002 NLRB 626
Remington Rand, Inc.
III the Matter Of RE_ILINGTON RAND, INC. and RE11IINGTON
RAND,
JOINT PROTECTIVE B OARD OF TIIE DISTRICT COUNCIL OFFICE EQUIP-
111ENT WORKERS
Case No. C-145.-Decided March. 13, 1937
Office and Business Equipment 31an.ufucturinp Industry-Lockout-Strike:
provoked by employer's refusal to meet and bargain with representatives-
Employee Status: during strike-Interference, Restraint or Coercion: threats
to close plant ; shut-down of plant ; interference with right to strike ; holding
election among employees on question of calling strike, misrepresentation of
results thereof ; discrediting and vilifying union.; during strike : "Mohawk
Valley Formula"; employment of strike-breaking agencies ; propaganda and
publicity compaign against union and strike, misrepresentation of issues in-
volved in strike ; initiating and fostering anti-union and anti-strike sentiment
among strikers, townspeople, and public officials ; discrediting and vilifying
union and union leaders ; "staging" mass meetings and other. public demonstra-
tions for purpose of creating and fostering "back-to-work psychology ; molding
and inciting public opinion against strike and strikers; influencing public
officials, press, and public against strikers ; interference by' public officials, citizen
and vigilante committees; instigating and fostering repressive measures ai lust:
union and union activities ; initiating and fostering "back-to-work" -movement
among employees ; soliciting and inducing individual strikers to return to work ;
"whispering" campaign and "missionary" work and propaganda among strikers;,
circulating anti-union literature and petitions among strikers and strikers'
wives ; espionage among strikers ; bribing union leaders and strikers to return
to work; initiating and fostering employer-dominated organizations of em-
ployees for purpose of inducing "back-to-work" movement and psychology ;
employment of strike-breakers ; intimidating strikers, employment of armed
guards; terroristic activities against strikers; precipitating and inciting dis-
order, rioting, and violence for purpose of creating adverse publicity against
strikers ; intervention and interference by police and deputies ; interference
with picketing ; instigating arrest of strikers and strike leaders ; injunction
against strikers based upon evidence of rioting and violence precipitated by
employer; refusal to negotiate with representatives of strikers for purposes
of negotiating asettlement-Company Dorninatcd Union: initiation and sponsor-
ship ; domination and interference with organization and administration ; finan-
cial and other support ; formation and use of as strike-breaking device ; dis-
established as agency for collective bargaining-Un:it Appropriate for Collective
Bargaining: production and maintenance employees; established labor organ-
izations in plants ; history of collective bargaining relations with employer ; eli-
gibility for membership in complaining union-Representatives: proof of choice:
membership in union ; strike vote-Collective Bargaining: meeting with repre-
sentatives but with no bona fide intent to reach an agreement ; dilatory tactics ;
failure or refusal to make counter proposals; distraction of representatives
by misleading information ; employer's duty' as affected by majority rule, by
strike; refusal to meet and negotiate with representatives during strike-
626
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
627
Discrimination: discharge; refusal to reinstate strikers; notice to strikers of
termination of employment-Reinstatement Ordered, Strikers: strike provoked
by employer's violation of law ; on basis of seniority ; preference list ordered,
including ; displacement of employees hired during strike ; at new location of
operations; transportation expenses to new location of operations ordered
paid-Reinstatement Ordered, Non-Strikers: employees discharged prior to or
during strike-Back Pay: awarded.
Mr., Daniel B. Shortal, Mr. Emmett P. Delaney, and Mr. Fred. G.
Kriwonos for the Board.
Bond, Schoenecle ct King, by Mr. George H. Bond, Mr. Hubert C.
Stratton, and Mr. Tracy H. Ferguson, of Syracuse, N. Y., and Mr.
J. A. W. Simson, of Buffalo, N. Y., for respondent.
Mr. Stanley S. Surrey, of counsel to the Board.
DECISION
STATEMENT OF CASE
In June, 1936, the Remington Rand Joint Protective Board of the
District Council Office Equipment Workers, hereinafter referred to
as the Joint Board, filed a charge with the Regional Director for
the Third Region (Buffalo, N. Y.) against Remington Rand, Inc.,
Buffalo and New York City, N. Y., charging that Company with
violation of Section 8, subdivisions (1), (2), (3), and (5) of the
National Labor Relations Act, 49 Stat. 449, hereinafter referred
to as the Act.
On July 11, 1936, the Board, by the Acting Regional
Director for the Third Region, issued a complaint against Reming-
ton Rand, Inc.,' hereinafter referred to as the respondent, alleging
that the respondent had committed unfair labor practices affecting
commerce within the meaning of Section 8, subdivisions (1), (2),
(3), and (5), and Section 2, 'subdivisions (6) and (7) of the Act.
In respect to the unfair labor practices the complaint alleged in
substance :
1. That on or about April 24 and 25, 1936, May 10, 23 and 25,
1936, and thereafter, the Joint Board, which represented a majority
of the employees' in the production, maintenance, and machinists
departments of the respondent's plants at Syracuse, Ilion, North
Tonawanda, and Tonawanda, New York; Middletown, Connecticut;
and Norwood and Marietta, Ohio, said departments in all of "said
plants together constituting a unit appropriate for the purposes of
collective bargaining, requested the respondent to bargain collectively
with it as the exclusive representative of the employees in said unit
but that the respondent did refuse and continues to refuse so to
bargain.
1 The complaint erroneously spells the name "Remington -Rand, Inc "
5727-37-vol. n-41
628
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
2. That on May 21 and 22, 1936, the respondent discharged 17
named employees in its Syracuse plant; on May 21 and 28, and June
13, 1936, discharged 14 named employees in its Tonawanda plant;
on June 15, 1936, discharged one named employee in its Ilion plant f
and on July 3, 1936, discharged 800 or more employees in its Nor-
wood plant, and refuses to reinstate all of these employees, said
discharges and refusals being made for the reason that these em-
ployees had joined and assisted the Joint Board and engaged in con-
certed activities with other employees for the purpose of collective
bargaining and other mutual aid and protection.
3. That the respondent on May 26, 1936, and thereafter, sponsored,,
dominated and interfered with the formation and administration of
labor organizations of its employees known as the "Ilion Typewriter
Employees Protective Association", "Employees Independent Asso-
ciation Remington Rand Syracuse Plant", and "Reiinrand Employ-
ees' Back to Work Association", and contributed financial and other
support thereto.
4. That the respondent by enumerated acts an'd threats, inter-
fered with, restrained, and coerced its employees in the exercise
of the rights guaranteed in Section 8, subdivision (1) of the Act.
On July 18, 1936, the respondent filed its answer to the complaint
in which it denied the allegations of unfair labor practices and
stated that the relations with the employees in question related
solely to its local and intrastate manufacturing operations, upon
which ground it asked that the complaint be dismissed.
Thereafter,.
on July 17, 1936, the respondent filed a bill of complaint in the
District Court of the United States for the Western District of New
York seeking to enjoin the Board, through its agents, from taking
any action, including the holding of a hearing, against the respond-
ent on the ground that the Board had no jurisdiction over the
respondent and, further, that the Act was unconstitutional.
A
restraining order was granted by the District Court enjoining the
agents of the Board from proceeding against the respondent pending
a hearing on the respondent's bill of complaint.
On September 11,
1936, the District Court rendered a decision in which it denied the
application for an injunction, set aside the restraining order, and
dismissed the respondent's bill of complaint.
The respondent ap-
pealed this decision to the Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second
Circuit, requesting a stay of the Board's proceedings pending the
appeal.
The request for a stay was denied by both the District
Court and the Circuit Court.
The appeal has not been prosecuted
further.
Pursuant to notice thereof, Charles A. Wood, duly designated by
the Board as Trial Examiner, commenced hearings on October _14,,
1936.
Hearings were held from October 14 to October 27 in Buffalo,,
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
0
629
N. Y.; from October 28 to November 6 in Syracuse, 'N. Y.; from
November 9 to November 18 in Utica, N. Y.; on: November 24 and
November 25 in New York, N. Y.; from November 30 to December
8 in Hartford, Conn., and on December 10 and December 11 in Cin-
cinnati, Ohio.
Previous to, the hearings the respondent, appearing
specially, had filed a.-motion to dismiss the complaint • on stated
constitutional and jurisdictional grounds and, without prejudice to
the motion to dismiss, a motion for a bill of particulars.
At the
opening of the hearings the respondent, stating ' it was appearing
specially, argued these motions orally.
The Trial Examiner denied 2
the motion for a bill of particulars and so much of the motion to
dismiss as related to the constitutionality of the Act, reserving deci-
sion as to the applicability of the Act to the respondent.
Full
opportunity to be heard, to examine and to cross-examine witnesses,
and to introduce evidence bearing upon the issues,was afforded to
all parties.
The respondent did not offer any oral testimony but
cross-examined the witnesses for the Board and offered documentary
evidence on its own behalf.
During the hearings the complaint was
amended to include the discharges of two named employees at the
Tonawanda plant'and to conform to the proof adduced.
At the
close of the Board's case the respondent moved to dismiss, and this
motion, together with its previous motion, was denied by the Trial
Examiner.
The Board finds no prejudicial error in any of the
rulings of the Trial Examiner, and they are hereby affirmed.
On December 9, 1936, the Board, acting pursuant to Article IT, Sec-
tion 37 of National Labor Relations Board Rules and Regulations-
Series 1, as amended, ordered the proceeding to be transferred and
continued before it, and re-designated Charles A. Wood as the Trial
Examiner.
Upon the entire record in the case, including the pleadings, the
stenographic transcript of the hearing and the documentary and
other evidence received at the hearing, the Board makes the
following :
FINDINGS OF FACT
1. THE RESPONDENT
Remington Rand, Inc., is a Delaware corporation having its prin-
cipal executive offices at Buffalo and New York City, New York
(Bd. Ex. 47 ).
As of July 31, 1935, its consolidated assets were stated
to be $49,179 ,156.20.3
It is essentially an operating company, owning
and operating its physical properties and "manufacturing and selling
directly to consumers, except in minor instances, and abroad where
The motion was denied with certain exceptions that are unnecessary to state.
Good will, valued at $10,000,000 at that time, has since been written off.
630
0
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
approximately three-quarters of its sales are made through subsidiary
companies, and the balance through dealers".4
Plants owned and
used by the respondent for manufacturing purposes, covering 102
acres of land area and comprising approximately 2,422,000 square
feet of floor space, are located at Tonawanda, N. Y.; North Tona-
wanda, N. Y.; Ilion, N. Y.; Syracuse, N. Y.; Middletown, Conn. ;
Bridgeport, Conn. ; Benton Harbor, Mich. ; Marietta, Ohio ; Norwood,
Ohio; Niagara Falls, Ontario, Canada; 5 and Calcutta, India.
Ad-
ditional plants, comprising approximately 385,000 square feet of floor
space, have been leased from other concerns in order to meet the re-
spondent's manufacturing requirements.
These are located at Cam-
:bridge,
Mass. ;
Brooklyn,
N.
Y.;
Bridgeport,
Conn.";
Atlanta,
Georgia; San Francisco, California; Hamilton, Ontario, Canada;
Saarbruecken,
Germany;
Berlin,
Germany; London, England.?
^(Bd. Ex. 54.)
The products of the respondent include typewriters, adding and
computing machines, record and filing equipment, and, in general,
business and office equipment.
Through the development of new
products, such as portable adding machines, duplicator supplies, and
photographic record equipment, and the improvement of old prod-
ucts, the respondent has met changing conditions in world markets.
The principal products of the plants with which we are here par-
ticularly concerned are : Syracuse-typewriters ; Ilion-typewriters
and accounting machines; Tonawanda and North Tonawanda-filing
4 Among its active subsidiaries are the following corporations ,
in
all
of
which
respondent owns securities representing 100 per cent of the voting power : Accounting
and Tabulating Machine Corporation ,
Delaware ,
Library
Bureau Limited ,
England ;
Remington Rand International Limited, Canada ; Remington Typewriter Company, New
York ; Remington Schreibinaschinen G. m. b. H , Austria ;
Remington Typewriter Com-
pany S. A ., Belgium ; Remington Rand Limited ,
Canada ;
Remington Schreibmasehinen
and Rechenmaschinen G in b. H., Czecho -Slovakia ;
Remington Typewriter Company
Limited , England ; Remington Typewriter Company ,
S
A, France ;
Remington Schrij f-
machine Maatschappij Naamloose Venootschap , Holland, Remington Rand Internacional
S
A, Mexico ; Remington Typewriter Company A S , Norway ; Remington Typewriter
Company Aktiebolag, Sweden ; Smith Premier Typewiiter Company, New York, Smith
Premier Typewriter Company Limited , England ; United Business Equipment Company,
Inc..
Delaware ;
United Typewriter and Supplies Company , West Virginia ;
Universal
Office Equipment Company, Inc , New York ; Victor Safe and Equipment Company, Inc,
New York, New York; and Remington Rand, Inc , Louisiana
( Bd. Ex 49) In addition
to the active subsidiaries here set out, respondent owns securities representing 100
,per cent of the voting power of six other companies , and, in addition , of 20 companies
at present inactive
5 This plant is owned and operated by a subsidiary.
6 These first three plants are leased and operated by subsidiaries
7 The plants located in Canada and abroad are leased and operated by subsidiaries
Plants owned by the respondent but not used for manufacturing purposes are con-
structed on 11.18 acres of ground , and comprise approximately 495,000 square feet of
floor space
They are located at Benton Harbor, Mich. , Holyoke, Mass. , Newark, N. J ;
Norwood, Ohio ; Kalamazoo, Mich. ; Kansas City, Mo. Eighty-five per cent of these
plants are rented to other companies or persons
Plants ale also owned which are
vacant at present.
These plants are constructed on 76 14 acres of ground ,
comprise
approximately 1,122,769 square feet of floor space and are located at North Tonawanda,
N. Y ; Benton Harbor, Mich ; and Cambridge, Mass.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
631
cabinets and accessory equipment; Middletown-typewriters; Mari-
etta-safe cabinets ; and Norwood-adding machines and tabulating
equipment.8
,
The respondent's products are internationally known ; sales abroad
are an important and profitable part of its business.
Distribution
of the respondent's products is of ected through 235 branch sales
offices located in practically every principal city of the world and
through approximately 8,500 independent dealers.
About 3,200 sales-
men are engaged in the respondent's domestic business.
The culti-
vation of nation-wide and foreign markets makes it inevitable that
practically all of its manufactured products be shipped in inter-
state and foreign commerce. In the case of the plants with which
we are particularly concerned, enumerated above, the incoming and
outgoing shipments are almost completely interstate in character..
Thus, at the Middletown plant, the outgoing and incoming rail ship-
ments, in sample months, were 99 to 100 per cent interstate in char-
acter; n at the Syracuse plant the outgoing interstate rail shipments
likewise approached 100 per cent of all rail shipments, while of the
incoming shipments about 80 per cent were interstate; 10 at the main
Ilion plant about 95 per cent of the outgoing and 80-85 per cent
of the incoming rail shipments were interstate in character; 11
at Tonawanda and North Tonawanda about 94 per cent of the
outgoing and 90 per cent of the incoming rail shipments were
interstate in character 12 -The incoming shipments for these plants
8 Since the strike hereinafter referred to the Norwood plant has been closed and
offered for sale and its equipment transferred to other plants.
8 June ,
1935,
March, April ,
and June ,
1936,
were the months chosen
( Bd.
Exs.
241a , b).
95 to 98 per cent of all shipments to and , from the Middletown plant, which
figure includes shipments by American Railway Express and truck ,
are interstate in
character .
For rail shipments the respondent at Middletown uses the New York, New
Haven and Hartford Railroad.
10 Outgoing shipments : June,
July, 1935-100 per cent ;
May, 1936-100 per cent ;
June, 1936-71 per cent ; July , 1936-100 per cent ; incoming shipments : June, 1935-
79 per cent ; July, 1935-90 per cent ; . May, 1936-77 per cent ; June, 1936-75 per
cent ; July, 1936-871/ per cent
(Bd Exs 169 , 170) • Rail shipments at the Syracuse
plant are carried by the Delaware , Lackawanna and Western Railroad
11 Outgoing shipments
May, 1935-97 per cent ;
June, 1935-98 3 per cent, July,
1935-93 per cent ; May, 1936-95 per cent ; June, 1936-83 per cent ; July , 1936-94
per cent , incoming shipments
May, 1935-85 per cent ; June. 1935-82 per cent, July,
1935-78 7 per cent ; May, 1936-84 per cent ; June , 1926-83 per cent ; July, 1936-
79 5 per cent
The earl shipments are carried by the New York Central Railroad
12 Outgoing shipments
June,
1935-93 per cent, March ,
1936-93 per cent , April,
1936-96% per cent; June , 1936-84 per cent
( Bd Exs 120-123 ) ; inconung shipments.
June , 1935-86 per cent ; -larch , 1936-961/ per cent ; April, 1936-80 per cent ; June,
1936-94 per cent (Bd. Exs. 141, 143-145). The respondent in general receives incom-
ing materials at the North Tonawanda plant and ships its product 's from the Tonawanda
plant, about a mile from the first plant
Delivery between the two plants is made
by trucks
Rail shipments are carried on the New York Central Railroad
About 90 per cent of the respondent ' s
shipments from the Norwood 'plant via the
American Railway Express were interstate in character for the sample months of June,
1935, March, April , May, and June , 1936
( Bd Ex 278
(The number of this exhibit
was erroneously recorded in the original of the Boaid 's Decision as 281.
This error was
corrected by an Amendment of Decision issued March 16, 1937.) )
632
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
cover a wide variety of materials drawn from the entire country,
for example : steel wire, castings, lacquer, chemicals, and cans from
New Jersey; strip steel and varnish from West Virginia; glue from
Illinois ; brass screws, bearings, and typewriter ribbons from Con-
necticut; bolts, castings, and bar -steel from Ohio; steel and truck
casters from•Michigan; wrapping paper from Vermont; fibre brushes
from New Hampshire; corrugated fibre from Indiana; steel, steel
cabinets, and lubricating oil, from Pennsylvania ; steel, steel and iron
wire from Massachusetts; steel cabinets from Wisconsin; printing
paper and handles from Maine; cardboard and paper boxes from
Rhode Island; steel cabinets from California; wire brushes and
grinders from Maryland; file drawers from Florida; bookkeeping
machinery from Georgia and Tennessee; paper from Minnesota; ac-
counting machinery from Toronto, Canada, and so on.
We conclude that the operations of the respondent at its Ilion,
N. Y.; Syracuse, N. Y.; Tonawanda, N. Y.; North Tonawanda, N. Y.;
Middletown, Conn. ; Norwood, Ohio ; and Marietta, Ohio plants con-
stitute a continuous flow of trade, traffic and commerce among the
several States and with foreign countries.
H. THE EVENTS PRECEDING THE STIIIKE ON MAY 26, 1936
Organization b f the Remington Rand Joint Protective
Board and the refusal of the respondent to bar-
gain collectively with the Joint Board
A few unions, for the most part locals of the International Asso-
ciation of Machinists, affiliated with the American Federation of
Labor, existed in the respondent's plants in 1933.
But in that year
the passage of the National Industrial Recovery Act, and especially
Section 7a of that Act, prompted the respondent's employees to join
and form additional labor organizations with considerable rapidity.
Federeal Labor Unions 13 were chartered by the American Federation
of Labor in many of the plants, together with new Machinists
locals.
This movement progressed so 'rapidly that a conference
of officials representing labor organizations in the Syracuse, Ilion,
Middletown, and Norwood plants was held on August 12, 1933, for
the purpose of providing a mechanism whereby the unions repre-
sented could act in unity.
As a direct result of this conference, a
charter was granted in March, 1934, by the Metal Trades De-
partment of the American Federation of Labor to the District Coun-
1s Federal Labor Unions are local unions chartered directly by the American Federation
of Labor.
They are not affiliated with any International Union.
Their membership is
usually confined to the employees in a single plant and craft lines among the employees
are not necessarily observed.
United States Department of Labor
( 1936), Handbook of
American Trade-Unions, pp. 8-9.
DECISIONS AND ,ORDERS
633
cil Office Equipment Workers, to be composed of local unions, either
chartered by the American Federation of Labor, or affiliated with
the International Unions forming the Metal Trades Department,
having members employed in the office equipment industry (Bd. Ex.
b).
In addition to unions in the ,above four plants of the respondent,
there were also unions in plants of other concerns in the office equip-
ment industry represented in the District Council.
In the meantime a meeting had, been held on February 3, 1934,
between representatives of the Remington Rand unions, active in
the labor organization of the District Council, i. e., those unions
then existing at the Syracuse, Ilion, Middletown, and Norwood
plants, and officials of the respondent, including the factory managers
of those four plants.
The meeting was held to consider a compre-
hensive working agreement submitted to the respondent by these
unions concerning hours, rates of pay, and working conditions. It
was not fruitful in achieving an accord on' these matters, for the
respondent evaded the main issues and refused to enter into an agree-
ment.
The union representatives indicated to the respondent that
a strike might' be the result of such continued refusal. ' The matter
was then taken to the Regional' Labor Board for the Western Dis-
trict of New York of the National Labor Board, and a hearing was
held by that Board on March 1, 1934, in an endeavor to settle the
differences between the two parties.
After the hearing, at which
both the unions and the respondent were represented, the Regional
Labor Board recommended on March 15, 1934, that the duly author-
ized representatives of both parties "proceed at once to negotiate
an agreement and that any agreement which may be reached be re-
duced to writing".
These recommendations were ignored by the re-
spondent and the matter was taken to' the National Labor Board,
which held further hearings and conferences on April 30, 1934,
and during the first week of May, 1934. • The respondent's representa-
tives, apparently, acting upon the advice of its president, James H.
Rand, Jr., refused to enter into a formal agreement with the union
representatives, their willingness to negotiate extending only to a
"I.Memorandum of Understanding" signed by the respondent alone
and carefully avoiding' recognition of the unions as bargaining
agencies (Bd. Ex. 164).
As a consequence, negotiations between the
two parties collapsed and the unions called a strike in the four
plants on May 9, 1934.
The strike effectively curtailed operations in these plants and forced
further negotiations between the two groups.
On June 18, 1934, an
agreement was concluded between the respondent and the union
representatives which settled the strike.
This agreement was signed
by R. E. Benner, vice-president of the respondent, and various union
634
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
officials, including members of the District Council, who signed as
such.
(Bd. Ex. 4.)
The agreement, fairly detailed, covered hours,
rates of pay, working conditions, and relations between the respond-
ent and all of its employees; the respondent agreed to deal with the
unions as representative of their members and in general to "deal
with any individual employee or his or her chosen representative, or
representatives of its employees".
The agreement at that time ex-
tended to employees in the Syracuse, Ilion, Middletown, and Nor-
wood plants.
At the same time a supplementary understanding was
entered into between the two parties providing as follows :
"It is understood and agreed that any discrimination or intimi-
dation on the part of any employee toward any other employee
shall be just cause for discharge." (Bd. Ex. 17.)
The respondent had presented this understanding for signature
and Rand himself requested that it be kept entirely confidential, even
to the extent that the union representatives were not to disclose it to
their members.
The latter acquiesced, believing that it in reality went
no further than Section 12 of the main agreement, which pledged
both parties to the maintenance of peace and harmony upon resump-
tion of work and which was designed to eliminate trouble between
returning strikers and non-strikiing employees."
But events two
years later were to show that the union representatives had been
mistaken as to the respondent's motive for procuring this confidential
agreement.
On the whole the remainder of 1934 and most of 1935 was a quiet
and harmonious period.
The District Council extended its represen-
tation to employees in the Tonawanda and North Tonawanda
plants 11 of the respondent in September, 1934, when Federal Labor
Union No. 19401, to which such employees were eligible to member-
ship, became affiliated with it.
In February, 1935, Benner recognized
that the June 18, 1934, agreement should extend to the Tonawanda
plant and at a conference held on April 27, 1935, formally acknowl-
14 Section 12 read as follows : "Upon resumption of work, all those employees now
involved shall return to their former positions .
The chosen representatives of the em-
ployees and the executives of the company both agree to exert their best efforts at all
times for the maintenance of peace and harmony within the Remington Rand plant, both
as between individual employees and as between employees and the management."
In a series of "Interpretations" sent to the membership in 1935, the interpretation
placed on that Section by the union representatives was as follows :
"Deals Niith promise of both parties to ignore any bitterness aroused during the
stiike period , as far as possible.
We were not to bother or harm the few scabs and
they were to keep their skirts clean to the extent that Mr. Benner ruled that if
anyone caused us an unusual amount of trouble , that they would be eliminated.
This promise has been pretty faithfully kept ; some scabs have become reinstated and
other have been eliminated during various lay-offs so that hardly any remain and they
cause no trouble."
(Bd. Ex 59.)
25 Hereafter generally referred to as the Tonawanda plant.
DECISIONS
AND ORDERS
635
edged that the agreement so applied.16 (Bd. Ex. 19.)
From time
to time, additional union locals, organized in the four plants
originally represented, became affiliated with the District Council.
Throughout these months numerous conferences were held between
representatives of the local unions and the factory manager of the
plant involved, at which routine problems relating to working con-
ditions were satisfactorily adjusted.
The fall of 1935 brought trouble.
Rumors reached the District
Council and the affiliated Remington Rand unions that the respond-
ent had acquired a plant at Elmira, N. Y.
As these reports spread
and acquired credence they occasioned further rumors that units
from existing Remington Rand plants would be moved to Elmira,
that some plants, particularly the one at Ilion, would be closed down
and so on. The union leaders were disturbed by these reports, es-
pecially since they indicated that the Elmira plant had been pur-
chased by a group of citizens in Elmira interested in improving busi-
ness conditions in that town and turned over to the respondent on
the condition that Elmira residents would be. given preference in
employment.
But the unions were not the only groups upset by such
rumors.
The business men, the mayors, the newspaper editors of
the towns in ivhich the respondent's plants were then located and
upon whose continued operation the towns in large measure were
dependent, recognized the possibilities inherent in the respondent's
acquisition of the Elmira plant.
All these groups thus focused
upon the respondent, seeking information and a definite pronounce-
ment.
All were unsuccessful-the respondent's officials were either
evasive or silent.
Throughout 1934 and 1935 the respondent had been developing at
its Ilion plant a new typewriter model, known as the "Madam X".
It was understood at Ilion that upon the completion of the plans,
production of the model would begin at that plant.
However, in the
beginning of 1936, coincident with the rumors in regard to the El-
mira plant, tools and other materials pertaining to the "Madam X"
were transferred to that plant in the name of the Elmira Pre-
cision Tool Company.
The person in charge of the development,
Mr. Bauer, also left Ilion for Elmira.
Moreover, Benner, at a meet-
ing with union representatives, stated that the respondent was inter-
ested in the Elmira plant.
The union representatives then wrote
Mr. Rand a letter in which they stated that the rumor concerning
the Elmira plant was causing a good deal of uncertainty and unrest
among the employees and that it would be to the interest of all that
16 By such action the June 18, 1934 , agreement thereby superseded arrangements pre-
viously agreed upon between the factory manager at Tonawanda and Federal Labor Union
No. 19401 .
(Ed Exs. 74, 75 )
The factory manager had refused to enter into a written
agreement but had published in a posted statement the points upon which an understand-
ing had been reached.
636
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
a conference be held between them and officials of the respondent
having knowledge of the Elmira situation. (Bd. Ex. 7.)
Rand's
secretary replied, stating that the letter had been referred to Mr.
Ross, factory manager at Ilion, in Mr. Rand's absence, and adding
"I am confident that the rumors which you mention are untrue."
(Bd. Ex. 8.)
As a consequence, the union representatives met with
Ross, questioned him concerning the Elmira plant and obtained from
him the following cryptic statement, previously prepared in writing,
that "Remington Rand has no intention of manufacturing in
Elmira".
Disturbed by these developments, representatives of 'the Remington
Rand unions met on February 14 and 15, 1936. They decided that.
their relations with the respondent were of such a nature as to require
treatment separate from the matters involving the unions in
other companies included in the District Council.
Consequently, the
representatives of the Remington Rand unions on the District Coun-
cil formed a separate committee, known as the Remington Rand
Joint Protective Board of the District Council, to handle exclusively
Remington Rand problems. Pursuant to the recommendation of
this Joint, Board, the various unions in each of the respondent's
plants represented on the 'Joint Board formed Local Protective
Boards 17 which acted to coordinate their local activities.
The Chair-
men of the Local Boards acted as the representatives of those unions.
on the Joint Board. These unions, all affiliated with the District
Council and represented on the Joint Board at its formation, and
also thereafter, were as follows : Is -
Syracuse Plant : Federal Labor Union No. 18344; Machinists Local'
Unions 10 Nos. 849 (limited to aligners) and 381.
Ilion Plant : Federal Labor Union No. 18486 (excludes employees
eligible to the other unions listed) ; Machinists Local Unions Nos.
635 (machinists, aligners, and toolmakers) and 706 (assemblers and
adjusters) ;
Polishers Local Union No. 46,20 and Molders Local
No. 57.21
Tonawanda (and North Tonawanda) Plants:, Federal Labor
Union No. 19401.
Middletown Plant : Machinists Local Unions Nos. 616, 782, and 851
(together covered all production and maintenance employees), and
17 A Local Protective Board was not formed at Marietta and Tonawanda.
is All of the
unions
herein enumerated,
as well as the District Council, are labor
organizations within the meaning of Section 2, subdivision (5) of the Act, in view of their
membership and purpose.
The Joint
Board was thus a committee within a labor
organization
19 This designation is used to describe local unions affiliated with the International
Association of Machinists
20 This designation is used to describe local unions affiliated with the Metal Polishers,
Buffers, Platers and Helpers International Union.
21 This designation is used to describe local unions affiliated with the International
Molders' Union of North America.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
637
Polishers Local Union No. 60 (not represented on Local Protective
Board) .22
Norwood Plant : Machinists Local Unions Nos. 162 (machinists),
729 (tool and die makers, and special parts makers), and 789 (gen-
eral production and maintenance employees) ; Draftsmen's Local
Union No. 50,23 and Polishers Local Union No. 68.
Marietta Plant : Sheet Metal Workers' Local Union No. 75.24
As the Federal Labor Unions admitted to membership all produc-
tion and maintenance employees'25 and as the Machinists Locals in
the plants where no Federal Labor Union existed together had a
similar scope, all production and maintenance employees in these
plants were eligible to join some one of these unions.28
The Joint
Board as constituted in February, 1936, was thus the representative
for collective bargaining of all unions in the Syracuse, Ilion, Tona-
wanda, Middletown, Norwood, and Maiietta plants of the respond-
ent, membership in which was open to all production and mainte-
nance employees in those plants.27
Clerical and supervisory em-
ployees were not eligible to membership in these unions.28
The Joint Board proceeded to have the above unions vote on a
series of "interpretations" of .the June 18, 1934, agreement to be pre-
sented to the respondent for its approval. In the meantime, Giles,
the secretary-treasurer of the Joint Board, and also the secretary-
treasurer of the District Council, wrote Rand on February 20, ask-
ing that he meet with them in view of the "unsatisfactory reply"
received from Ross (Bd. Ex. 9), and again on March 30, adding that
they also desired to discuss the interpretation of the June 18, 1934,
agreement and changes in the rates of pa,y. (Bd. Ex. 10.)
This last
letter was likewise answered, not by, Rand, but his secretary, who
stated :
"The matters referred to, ... will have to be taken up with
Vice-President R. E. Benner, who is away at present on an
extended absence.
22 This union was represented on the Local Board in November , 1936, and thereafter
28 This union was affiliated with the International Federation of Technical Engineers',
Architects', and Draftsmen 's Unions.
24 This union was affiliated with the Sheet Metal Workers' International Association
25 The Federal Labor Union at Ilion excluded employees eligible 'in the other unions
existing in the plant.
28 Employees in the shipping departments of the various plants were eligible to member-
ship in the Federal Labor Unions or the comprehensive Machinists Locals and are included
in the designation , "production and maintenance employees".
2' Whether such employees in these six plants , considered together, constitute a unit
appropriate for the purposes of collective bargaining and, if so , whether the Joint Board
represented a majority of the employees in such unit and was therefore the exclusive
representative of all such employees , will be considered at a later stage of this decision.
28 While clerical employees could theoretically join the Federal Labor Unions , they would
not be permitted to vote or exercise other privileges of full members .
In the plants in
question, the clerical employees had not joined the unions.
,638
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"However, I can tell you . . . that neither Remington Rand
Inc. nor any subsidiary is engaged in manufacturing in the city
of Elmira." (Bd. Ex. 11.)
A conference was finally arranged with Benner to be held on April
24.
Giles informed Benner, in answer to his request, that the Joint
Board desired to discuss at that conference the June 18, 1934, agree-
ment and increases in the present rates of pay.
On April 24, 1936, not Benner, but H. T. Anderson, factory man-
ager at the Norwood plant, represented the respondent.
Anderson
read to the Joint Board and the other union representatives present
the following telegram :
THIS IS TO AUTHORIZE YOU TO REPRESENT REMINGTON RAND AT
THE MEETING OF SHOP COMMITTEE TO BE HELD AT THE ONANDAGA
HOTEL STOP YOU HAVE FULL POWER TO ACT FOR THE COMPANY
"SIGNED JAMES H RAND JR AND R E BENNER"
The following interchange then took place :
"Pres. Crofoot (of the Joint Board) : I thought if we could get
-together with Mr. Benner and the different plant managers we
would get more done.
The questions of the interpretations of
the agreement, Wage increases, and the Elmira situation were to
.be discussed.
"Mgr. Anderson : I will do my best to answer any questions
and discuss any policies or ideas." (Bd. Ex. 15, p. 1.)
After the interpretations were discussed with some degree of success,
the Joint Board members adverted to the Elmira situation.
They
repeated the rumors regarding the Elmira plant, the denials and
evasions of the respondent's officials and pointed out that such de-
nials were in sharp contrast to the movement of equipment from
Ilion to Elmira (on the previous day, April 23, 28 tons of dies for
the new "Madam X" had been shipped from Ilion to Elmira). The
June 18, 1934, agreement was then referred to and the claim made
that if the Elmira plant was being operated by Remington Rand,
such operations should be subject to that agreement, as in the case
of the Tonawanda plant, and that if it was not a Remington Rand
plant the sending of work there to be performed for the respondent
was in violation of Section 15 of the agreement .29
Finally, it was
stated that while the operations in Elmira were apparently being
conducted under the name of the "Elmira Precision Tool Company",
29 Section 15 reads as follows* "No work which can be performed
with the men and
the plant equipment on hand is to be sent outside of the company plants except for the
purpose of maintaining an equal working force and
to prevent periodic occurrence of
preventable hiring and laying off of temporary employees."
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
639
in view of the agreement the real question was the respondent's con-
nection with that company.
Anderson's replies follow :
"Mgr. Anderson : I doubt that I will be able to give you a
satisfactory answer.
In the first place, it is evident that every-
one believes the operation is a Rem-Rand operation.
I am not
familiar with the set-up in Elmira but I know the Elmira Pre-
cision Tool Company is not a Remington Rand organization
now.
As to who may be in back of it. I do not know.
"Mr. Crofoot : Is there any good reason why the officials of
Remington Rand can not give us a definite answer regarding
moving the plant from Ilion?
"Mgr. Anderson: I do not know.
"Mgr. Anderson: As far as I know, it is an entirely different
company.
"Mr. Crofoot : If Mr. Rand or Mr. Benner is interested in the,
relations between the employees of these six plants, he could at,
least come down here to see us. I think the situation has gone-
about as far as it should. I suggest that you get in touch with-
Mr. Rand or Mr. Benner and they can arrange to be here tomor-
row. by night at least. If he does not want to meet us, it is his:
responsibility ; that's all.
This is the second time that a direct.
answer has been avoided by putting a plant manager on the
spot."
Three times and out is enough. If we can not meet him,
it is time we found out.
"Mgr. Anderson : I do not think they will be here."
The conference resumed next morning and the following colloquy
occurred :
°
"Mgr. Anderson: . . . I am of the opinion that the Elmira
Precision Tool Company is a separate institution.
How it may
or may not be interlocked with Remington Rand, I do not know.
In view of that, I can not see why you want the present agree-
ment of Remington Rand to apply to the Elmira plant.
"Mr. Bellows (Joint Board member from Syracuse) : The
reason the people say the plant is owned by Remington Rand
is because Mr. Benner himself said so.
"Mgr. Anderson : The plant may belong to Remington Rand.
"Mr. Beer (Joint Board member from Ilion) : It violates Sec-
tion 15. If it isn't a company plant it is a violation, and if it is a
company plant, we want the agreement applied.
90 Such tactics were a direct violation of Section 11 of the June 18 ,
1934 ,
agreement
which provided that grievances , if not settled satisfactouly , might be taken up directly-
with the works Manager or higher executive of the company.
640
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"Mgr. Anderson : The Remington Rand Company may own
the plant, but the company that operates it may or may not be
Rem-Rand.
"Mr. Fenton (a union representative) : It looks as if the
Precision Tool is a promoter's name for the Remington Rand.
It seems to me it demands a frank statement from the Com-
pany because it is vitally important to the people working in
the Remington Rand.
We are thoroughly convinced that Rem-
ington Rand is the undisclosed principal.
At least they should
tell us if they are interested.
"Mgr. Anderson: As I said yesterday I do not feel that I can
answer the question satisfactorily or completely." 31 (Bd. Ex. 15.)
It will be recalled that Anderson was presented to the Joint Board
as having "full power to act for the company".
The evasion and
lack of candor on the part of the respondent which his statements
undeniably disclose are heightened when contrasted with representa-
tions being made elsewhere by the respondent during the same
period.
A prospectus issued by the respondent on February 19, 1936,
stated : "Manufacturing facilities have been increased . . . by the
purchase of a plant at Elmira, N. Y. . . ." (Bd. Ex. 54, pp. 5, 6.)
This was repeated in a registration statement filed with the Secur-
ities and Exchange Commission in the same month. (Bd. Ex. 49.)
Later events leave no doubt that the respondent intended to operate
in Elmira, for such operations actually, commenced in the summer
of 1936.
Machinery and equipment were moved from Syracuse,
Middletown, and Ilion to Elmira in the summer and fall of 1936,
the consignee being the Elmira Precision Tool Company.
On Sep-
tember 21, 1936, the respondent reported to the Securities and Ex-
change Commission the following :
"The plant at Norwood, Ohio, has recently been closed, the
equipment moved to, and the manufacturing operations con-
centrated in, the plants at Ilion and Elmira, N. Y. In addi-
tion, approximately 45% of the operations formerly carried on
,at the Syracuse, N. Y., plant, together with the required equip-
ment, have been transferred to the plant at Elmira, N. Y."
(Bd. Ex. 51.)
The fears of the Joint Board had a sound foundation.
But on the issue of a wage increase, Manager Anderson's hands
were not tied for the respondent felt itself able to take an unequiv-
ocal position.
The Joint Board representatives stated that the
request for an increase was the result of the assurance given two
years previous that increases would be made when the respondent
was in a better financial condition.
Beer, Joint Board Member for
81 Italics ours.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
641
Ilion, stated, "Mr. Benner, Mr. Rand and practically all of them
have freely admitted that the wages were not as they should be and
gave us the assurance that they would pay more money when they
were in better financial condition.
They have never come through
with any of it."
The reply to this request was as follows:
"Mgr. Anderson : I can tell you right now that there can be
no general increase in wages. I am in a position to tell you
definitely that the company is not in a position to grant a gen-
eral wage increase.
"Mr. Crofoot: Have you a counter proposal?
"Mgr. Anderson : No.
"Mr. Crofoot: I 'do not see-how you can go farther if you
have no counter proposal." (Bd. Ex. 15.)
There could be but one reaction on the part of the union repre-
sentatives to the respondent's attitude.
On April 28 the Joint
Board requested the various unions affiliated with it to take a
strike vote in view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Anderson
conference, the letter reading in part as follows :
"After the conference, the Joint Protective Board unani-
mously agreed that it would be absolutely necessary that a vote
be taken to authorize the Board to call a strike, but only after
every other means possible has been taken to bring about a
satisfactory adjustment and a conference arranged with Mr.
James H. Rand, Jr.
_
"This move may seem drastic to you, but, if we succeed in
getting nearly 100% affirmative vote, giving the Board the
authority mentioned above, it would have the effect of making
that move unnecessary. It would show the company that we
have the cooperation of all the organized workers in Remington
Rand, Inc." (Bd. Ex. 61.)
The strike ballot, stating the . issues succinctly, read as follows :
"Because of the unsatisfactory result of the conference with
H. T. Anderson, representing Mr. James H. Rand, Jr., President,
and Mr. R. E. Benner, Vice-President of Remington Rand
Incorporated, April 24 and 25, 1936, and because of Mr. Ander-
son's refusal to grant a general increase in wages; and his
refusal to give a satisfactory reply to the Remington Rand
activities in Elmira; and his refusal to apply the present work-
ing agreement to that plant; and the continued refusal of Mr.
James H. Rand, Jr., to meet the duly authorized representatives
of the employees, this authorizes the Remington Rand Joint
Protective Board to call a strike, when, and if, in their opinion,
all other means, have failed to bring about a satisfactory
conclusion."
(Bd. Ex. 24.)
642
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
The 'strike vote was taken in accordance with the instructions of
the' Joint Board.
A total of 3768 votes was cast, of which 3200
were affirmative votes authorizing a strike under such conditions,
and 568 were negative votes. (Bd. Ex. 62 plus Bd. Ex. 40.)
With
this mandate, 'the, Joint Board wrote to Rand on May 10, 1936,
stating that, a strike vote had been taken "to ascertain the number
of workers who are willing to leave their work if necessary in order
to come to some kind of an understanding or at least to have a
conference arranged with the Remington Rand Joint Protective Board
and the representatives of the Company who are vested with suffi-
cient power to decide the important questions at issue" and that
such vote had resulted in "90% of the organized employees voting
in the affirmative."
It closed with the statement that the Joint Board
felt "such a move will be unnecessary if it is possible to arrange to
meet around a conference table and discuss the questions Mr. Ander-
son hadn't the authority to decide". (Bd. Ex. 23.)
At the same
time the Joint Board notified Federal Labor Conciliators that a
strike might eventuate if conferences could not be arranged and
requested that they aid in securing such conferences.
Turning for a moment to those conditions established by the Act
in regard to the employer's duty to bargain collectively, relating to,
the appropriateness of the unit and the designation by a majority
of the employees, we find that the Joint Board was purporting to
speak for the employees engaged in production and maintenance
work in six of the respondent's plants-Syracuse, Ilion, Tonawanda,
Middletown, Norwood, and Marietta.
There can be no question
that production and maintenance employees here constitute an ap-
propriate unit in so far as character of work is concerned; 32 the
justification for considering such employees separate from supervi-
sory employees and non-production or clerical employees is stated in
prior decisions of the Board.33
There remains only the question whether the production and
maintenance employees must treat with the respondent separately
plant by plant or whether they may properly request the respondent
to treat with their representatives on a group basis, such employees
in the six plants being' represented by the one bargaining agency,
the Joint Board.
Under the facts in this case, we find that a unit
based upon such a grouping is appropriate.
The bargaining that
took place in 1934 was on the basis of a grouping of the plants in
which there were unions representing the production and mainte-
83 The complaint refers to the production , maintenance, and machinists departments.
The machinists are covered by the designation "production employees" and consequently
need not be referred to specifically
33 Matter of United States Stamping Coni pany and Porcelain Enamel Workers' Union No.
18630, 1 N L R B 123 ; Matter of R C A Manufacturing Company, Inc and United Elec-
trical d Radio Workers of America, Case No . R-49, decided August 3, 1936
( supra, p
159).
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
643
nance employees.
The respondent made no objection to such a prin-
ciple.
In 1935 the extension of the agreement to the Tonawanda
plant and the subsequent dealing with the District Council for the
five plants indicated that the respondent recognized the appropriate-
ness of a system of bargaining which considered its organized plants
as a unit.
Marietta was added to the group in 1936 and' was there-
after represented by the Joint Board on the same basis, a fact wl.icli
the respondent recognized in April, 1936, when Benner in a menr-
oranclum explaining the June 18, 1934, agreement indicated that
it extended to Marietta as well. (Bd. Ex. 22.)
Neither the Joint
Board nor the respondent ever has stated that other plants of the
respondent were involved in the negotiations.
Consequently we find
that the production and maintenance employees, exclusive of super-
visory employees, in the Syracuse, Ilion, Tonawanda, Middletown,
Norwood, and Marietta plants of the respondent constituted a unit
appropriate for the purposes of collective bargaining.34
The number of employees in this unit was between 6,000 and 6,500
in the spring of 1936.
The Joint Board claimed to have out of that
number about 4,500 persons as paid up members of the various unions
represented by it.
The strike vote indicates that at the very least it
had 3 .768 members, and since generally such a vote does not reflect
the total membership, its claims to membership in the four thousands
are supported by the record.35 It is-significant that the respondent
34 Cf
Matter of Atlantic Refining Co. and Locals Nos 310 and 318, International Asso-
ciation of Oil Field, Gas Well, and Refinery Workers of Ames ice, 1 N
L R. B 359; Matter
of Motor Transport Company and General Chauffeurs, Teamsters & helpers, Local Unian
No 200, Case No R-113. decided December 22, 1936
(supra, p
492)
35 In the strike instructions issued on May 23, 1930, the Joint Board stated that there
wei e about 6,000 production and maintenance employees at that time and that the paid up
membership in the unions affiliated with it was 4,490
(Bd. Ex 64 ) The testimony of
officials of these various unions places the membership at a higher figure, since the testi-
mony «as not limited to paid up membership and included all members. On the basis of
that testimony the membership in March, 1936, is given in the following table, along with
the number of production and maintenance employees in the various plants, as gathered
ther exhibits :
d
h
t
timony an
o
from t
es
e
PRODUCTION AND
PLANT
MAINTENANCE EMPLOYEES
Syracuse--------------------------------------------
1500
Ilion-----------------------------------------------
1800
Tonawanda-----------------------------------------
515
Middletown-----------------------------------------
1200
Norwood--------------------------------------------
1500
Marietta--------------------------------------------
125
Totals----------------------------------------
6640
UNION
MEMBERSHIP
1402
1478
475
11050
852
49
5306
1 The oral testimony of-the various officials showed 1,144 members at Middletown
The Middletown Unions on May 26, 1936, issued a statement in which they claimed
„050 members, 993 of which were paid up (Bd Ex 23Gb ) The record indicates that
from Maich to May, 1936, there was little, if any, appreciable change in the employment
or union membership figuies
Thus in the text we have taken the most conservative
figuies
The evidence shows that there were over 7.500 employees of all types in these
six plants in the period March-flay, 1936.
The total number of all of respondent's
employees engaged in manufacturing including the plants not involved in the proceeding,
is about 11,000
Its total employees throughout the world number approximately 19,000.
5727-37-vol 11-42
644
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
neither in the 1934 conference nor at the April, 1936, conference ques-
tioned the District Council or the Joint Board on the number they
represented or raised the question that such a number did not con-
stitute a majority of the employees involved.
As far back as Feb-
ruary, 1934, a vice-president of the respondent recognized that some
of the plants were "organized
95°Jo,
possibly
greater".
(Bd.
Ex. 2, p. 67.)
We accordi,igly find that on April 1, 1936, and there-
after the Joint Board represented a majority of the employees in the
unit described above and was therefore the exclusive representative
of all employees in such unit for the purposes of collective bargaining
in respect to rates of pay, wages, hours of employment, and other
conditions of employment.
In sending the letter of May 10 the Joint Board was thus speaking
for at least 6,000 employees, constituting all of the respondent's pro-
duction and maintenance employees in the six plants here involved.
But the respondent made no direct reply to the request. Instead, on
May 21, without any previous warning, employees in the six plants
involved were informed that a vote would be taken that morning
by the respondent on whether they favored a strike.
The notice of
the balloting stated that each employee may vote free from the in-
fluence of "any employee" and drew special attention to the "special
confidential understanding" reached in June, 1934, which was then
quoted in full. (Resp. Ex. 2.)
The union representatives in the
various plants immediately protested to the factory managers against
the taking of such a vote.
They were told in reply that the factory
managers had instructions to "disassociate" from the payroll anyone
who interfered with the balloting.
The ballot used in this vote is worthy of study-it is an intima-
tion of the publicity to flow in the future from the respondent's
offices.
It began : "Remington Rand has been notified in writing by
a union official that '90% of the organized employees' have voted
to strike unless the company meets demands of the Union.
No de-
mands are stated."
Yet the Joint Board had clearly outlined its
demands in letters to Rand and Benner, and orally to Anderson on
April 24.
And, in a real sense, the paramount demand was simply
a conference with Rand or Benner, as stated in the letter of May
10, a demanc which Rand's deliberate efforts to avoid such a con-
ference indicate was thoroughly understood by him.
The ballot
continued : "The `organized group' is not a majority of Remington
Rand employees.
For example out of 1700 employees in the Cin-
cinnati (Norwood plant) only 54 voted to strike.
That means only
3% are trying to dictate to the other 97% in the Cincinnati Plant."
These figures are not only false, but they also leave the implication,
equally false, that the votes in the other plants represented a small
minority of the employees.
While the members in the Norwood
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
645
unions did vote against the strike, though by a fairly close vote,",
the ballot fails to mention that in every other plant the vote was
overwhelmingly in favor of a strike, and that the Joint Board was
speaking for all six plants as a group, not separately.
The ballot then turned from false statements to threats : "If a
majority of the employees in Syracuse Want to continue work under
present conditions, Remington Rand will keep the plant open at any
cost and will take steps necessary to protect everybody in his or her
right to work. DO YOU WISH TO WORK OR DO YOU WISH TO
STRIKE? . . .
The results of this ballot will determine the continued
operation of the Syracuse plant." J7
And then the clause : "1. Are
you dissatisfied
with
present
working conditions?
Yes
No
2. Are you in favor of a strike?
Yes ____ No
which is far different from asking whether an employee will strike
if such action becomes necessary as a last resort. (Bd. Ex. 25;
Resp. Ex. 3.)
Foremen and other supervisory officials of the respondent con-
ducted the balloting and counted the votes.
Clerical help were
permitted to vote.
The deception evident in the wording of the
ballot was present likewise in the statement of the results.
Totals
of the "Yes" and "No" votes were not given but only percentage
figures announced.
Moreover, in computing the percentages, blank
votes were disregarded.
Consequently, an announcement in Ilion
that 98 per cent of the employees were not in favor of the strike
concealed an actual vote of 911 against a strike, 70 in favor, and
637 blanks out of about 2,000 employees. (Resp. Ex.,*; Bd. Ex.
171.)
In Tonawanda the vote was announced as 91 percent against
a strike, 9 per cent in favor of a strike, yet blank votes greatly
exceeded the number of votes against the strike; the factory manager
stated that "the company is entitled to those 316 blank ballots" and
counted them as votes against the strike. In several of the plants
the large number of blanks were the direct result of instructions by
the union leaders to the members to vote in that fashion. In other
plants many ballots were not cast at all due to instruction of union
leaders.
It is obvious, in addition, that many of the employees,
fearing reprisals, must have voted to please the respondent and not
according to their real beliefs.
The voting at Syracuse took a different return from the balloting
conducted at the other plants. In the latter a vote was actually
accomplished, its completeness varying somewhat according to the
temper of the employees in the particular plant.
But in Syracuse
se The vote was 256 to 310. (Bd . Exs. 40, 62 ( Bd. Ex No. 62 was erroneously recorded
as number 61 in the original of the Board 's Decision.
This error was corrected by an
Amendment of Decision Issued March 16, 1937
87 Italics ours.
646
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
the union leaders requested the members to cease work until the plant
officials agreed to call off the balloting.
The plant was thus idle for
about two hours while Straub, the Factory Manager, conferred with
higher executives of the respondent.
As a result of these conferences,
Straub posted that morning a hurriedly prepared notice reading as
follows :
"Starting at 9: 30 A. M. on Thursday, May 21, 1936, this
plant will be closed clown for the usual two weeks summer vaca-
tion, to renovate and re-arrange this plant." (Bd. Ex. 26.)
In the past the Syracuse employees had received from two to six
weeks' notice of such temporary closing; even Straub appeared sur-
prised at the order for a vacation.
Moreover, heretofore such vaca-
tions had occurred in July or August. The employees left the plant
pursuant to the notice and operations ceased.
There can be no
question that the respondent's solution of the dispute at Syracuse
was to lock out all of its employees. In all of the other plants vaca-
tion notices of a different tenor were posted at this time, appar-
ently in an attempt to influence the employees against a strike
through the inducement of a vacation policy.
The policy announced
in the notices-that of a vacation with pay, the amount depending on
years of service-was to take effect immediately, but actual vacations
were not to commence until plans were perfected. It was the first
time vacations with pay had been granted. (Bd. Ex. 71.)
The sudden closing of the Syracuse plant, which employed about
1,800 people, brought an immediate response from city officials.
Mayor Marvin of Syracuse telephoned Rand in an attempt to mediate
the matter but was promptly informed by Rand that he would not
meet with the leaders of the Syracuse unions but would telephone
back and state under what conditions he would reopen the plant.
Rand telephoned later, and gave the Mayor the names of 16 em-
ployees, leaders in the Syracuse unions, who were to be discharged
before the plant would reopen and asked him to give the list to
Straub.
The Mayor did so and then placed before these unions
Rand's proposal that he would reopen the plant on condition that
the union members return and acquiesce in the discharge of their
leaders.
The proposal was rejected unanimously.
That evening,
and the next day, letters over Straub's signature were sent to the
employees on the list, now increased to 17, notifying them that their
services were no longer required at the plant.
Among those thus
discharged was Crofoot, president of the Joint Board, and Bellows,
Joint Board member from Syracuse. The respondent, striking at
the leaders and heads of the unions, thus hoped to demoralize their
members and cripple their activities.
The next day the Mayor called
Rand, and, after the latter once more refused to meet with the union
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
647
representatives at Syracuse, arranged for another vote to be taken,
Rand to reopen the plant if a majority were willing to return to
work.
The ballot was prepared and mailed by the respondent, to
be returned in a prepared envelope to the Mayor's office.
The ballot
was very similar to the one used on May 21, containing a statement
that "if a majority of the employees in Syracuse want to continue
work under present conditions, Remington Rand will keep the plant
open at any cost and the authorities of the City of Syracuse will
take steps necessary to protect everybody in his or her right to work".
(Bd. Ex. 28.)
At the same time the Mayor sent a letter to the Syra-
cuse unions advising them of the plan.
The salutation is interest-
ing-"To the Employes of Remington-Rand, Inc."-for Rand in his
telephone conversations with the Mayor had asked him not to use
the term "union representatives".
The Mayor stated that Rand had
declared the plant would remain in Syracuse permanently, perhaps at
increased capacity, if the vote were in the affirmative-a statement
clearly intended as bait for a favorable vote. (Bd. Ex. 31.)
The
scheme fell through for the union members would have none of it.
Most of them did not vote and no union representative appeared at
the tally of the votes.
Two significant events occurred on the same day, May 22, to reveal
that Rand had definitely turned his back on any solution that in-
volved a conference with the Joint Board.
He first told the Federal
Conciliators who were trying to arrange a conference between him
and the Joint Board that he refused to meet with the latter.
Next,
when Doyle, Supervising Mediator in the New York State Depart-
ment of Labor, telephoned him that he had heard of the shut-down
of the Syracuse plant and desired to ascertain whether a labor dis-
pute was involved, Rand informed him that the plant was merely
closed because of the usual two weeks' vacation and that no labor
trouble existed, but added: "Of course, I am getting sick and tired
of these men dictating to me as to how, when and where they will
work."
On May 23, proceeding with its previous plans, the Joint Board
issued instructions calling for a strike on Tuesday morning, May 26.
The strike was to be preceded by a meeting of the employees at each
plant on May 25 to familiarize them with the recent developments
and proposed plans.
The instructions reviewed briefly the efforts to
obtain a conference with Rand and pointed out that "A strike would
be unnecessary if the representatives of the company who had
authority to act had seen fit to sit down and discuss our problems
with us". (Bd. Ex. 64.) In line with that belief the Joint Board
was still attempting to obtain a conference.
Working through Hart,
Factory Manager at Tonawanda, the union leaders there had at-
tempted to secure a meeting with Rand but had been told they
648
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
instead should see Anderson, the respondent's representative at the
April 24 conference.
Crofoot, on May 25, called Benner, the
respondent's vice-president, and was informed that he was out of
town.
Crofoot then called Anderson and was informed that it would
not do any good for him to hold another conference.
While the
Joint Board was thus using every possible approach to it conference
with Rand, the latter was telling Mayor Marvin in person in New
York City that he would not talk to the Joint Board and that the
union leaders discharged at Syracuse would remain discharged.38
That evening, as a last resort, the Joint Board sent a final telegram
to Rand :
"IS IT NOT POSSIBLE YOU ARE LETTING ANGER INSTEAD OF REASON
RULE IN YOUR PRESENT ATTITUDE REGARDING PRESENT MISUNDER-
STANDING WITH EMPLOYEES AT SEVERAL PLANTS STOP A MEETING
MAY STILL BE ARRANGED WHICH MAY AVOID SERIOUS DIFFICULTIES,
BUT IMMEDIATE REPLY URGENT" (Bd. Ex. 65.)
There was no reply. On the morning of May 26 the strike became
effective.
III.
THE EVENTS SUCCEEDING MAY 26, 1936-DEVICES ADOPTED BY THE
RESPONDENT TO DEFEAT THE STRIKE
The response to the strike left no doubt that the employees of the
respondent were united in their efforts to achieve genuine collective
bargaining.
With but a handful of exceptions, every employee en-
gaged in production and maintenance refused to enter the plants on
May 26. All of the plants came to a standstill and production
ceased.
But at the same time forces were already being set in mo-
tion which were to prove powerful enough not only to defeat the
strike but also to crush some of the unions.
Even before the strike commenced Rand was preparing to meet it.
It is clear that the decision lay with Rand whether the respondent
would attempt to settle the issues between it and the Joint Board
by means of conferences, or would, by refusing to confer, compel the
latter to call 'a strike.
The events transpiring in the New York
offices of the respondent in the week preceding the strike point to
the respondent's grim determination not to bargain collectively with
its employees but to settle the issues by force.
Rand in that week
gathered about him a group whose past activities eloquently testify
to that resolve
There was Pearl L. Bergof, who, in his testimony,
described his business as simply that of "strikebreaking" and who
38 The bfayor , in a letter to the Syracuse unions repotting on the conference and urging
them to return , did not believe it politic to include that refusal in his report
(Bd
Ex.
32.)
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
649
said he had been engaged in that business for "over 30 years".
Others have styled him "The King of Strikebreakers".39
There was
Captain Robert J. Foster, head of Fosters Industrial & Detective
Bureau, which has been operating for 25 years.
A third member of
this group was Raymond J. Burns, president of the William J.
Burns Detective Agency.
Later there was added Captain Nathaniel
S. Shaw, whose calling card bore the words "Confidential Industrial
Missions", and who described himself as a "Radical Investigator"
who had been engaged in that work for 27 years.40 These men are
experts in their trade-they brought to Rand all of the many tech-
niques they had developed through years of experience.
They know
how to operate "propaganda factories" designed to spread demoraliz-
ing rumors among striking employees, how to use "missionaries" to
visit the homes of these employees and, posing as members of the
company's personnel department, persuade them to return to work,
how to organize "back to work movements" that would cause an ever
widening breach in the ranks of strikers.
They appreciate how the
devices of the law can be used to advantage and so they know the
technique of securing a labor injunction by framed "acts of violence".
They understand the aid which state and local police protection can
offer in opening a plant so they know how "to get to the Sheriff
or the Chief of Police, maybe to the Mayor", or how to bring about
"violence" that can be used to support a demand for such protection.
When small towns are involved, they are aware of the opportunity
offered to divide the community by bringing pressure on the business
groups through threats to move the plant elsewhere.
Finally, they
have at their command the forces necessary for all these purposes-
"guards", whose police records are not without significance, under-
cover men, missionaries, ordinary strikebreakers.
All these resources
were placed at Rand's disposal.
To them he added the invaluable
device of a skillful publicity campaign to mould public opinion as yet
unacquainted with the issues involved or the forces at play, against
the striking employees.
With these men and the techniques and re-
sources they offered, Rand, supported by his publicity expert, Earl
Harding'41 and his attorney, J. A. W. Simson, proceeded to evolve the
strategy of the respondent in fighting the strike.
While the cam-
39 Levinson ( 1935 ), 1 Break Strikes, Passim.
40 The following amounts were paid by the respondent for the services of these men and
their agencies : Foster-$30,000; Bergoff,
who in all supplied 200 men-$25,850 , Burns-
$25,000, "a good substantial job", according to his testimony
Shaw was promised $50 a
day and expenses but aside from $300 in expenses did not receive any more due to a
dispute loth Rand
fi Mayor Marvin had this to say of Harding • "To my mind, Mr Harding was a domi-
neering dictatorial type of person that was never willing to listen except to one side, and
one side was always right and the other side was always wrong, and to my mind, Mr.
Harding impressed me as being nothing more or less than a professional strikebreaker . . .
Mr. I3arding, I think , was more in the role of a publicity expert.
That was his particular
forte "
650
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
paign proceeded simultaneously oil all of the six fronts, the use of
different methods at different points makes it advisable to concen-
trate our attention for the time on one of these fronts-the Ilion
plant.
A. Ilion
Ilion, New York, is a village having a population of about 10,000.
The plants of two industrial concerns , the respondent and the Rem-
ington Arms Company, are its support .
Nearly all of the workers
in Ilion are employed in these plants .
Similarly, the surrounding
villages of Herkimer, Mohawk, and Frankfort 42 are in large part
dependent for their existence upon the payrolls of these plants.
Under such conditions , the effect of the rumors which arose early in
1936 regarding the removal of the respondent 's plant to Elmira
can hardly be exaggerated .
Yet the respondent did nothing to allay
the uneasiness and fear that affected the merchants and workers
alike-both groups, despite their Efforts , were unable to obtain a
definite statement from the respondent.
Barney Allen , a retail dealer in electrical appliances , had been the
leader of a group of Ilion business men who were attempting to
ascertain the respondent 's plans for its Ilion plan t, especially in view
of the Elmira rumors.
After trying unsuccessfully to contact Rand
for many months , on or about May 18 they were suddenly in-
formed by Ross, the Ilion factory manager , that Rand would like
to meet with them.
Allen's group of business men met with Rand in
New York City on May 19. The group consisted of Frank Schmidt,
an attorney, who had represented the respondent , two bankers, and
Allen.
Rand's first statement was, "Well, I suppose you fellows
would like to know what is wrong in Ilion"-and then he proceeded
to tell them what was wrong .
It seemed that Ilion had been a "very
good manufacturing place" for the respondent until Mr. Bowen
(International vice-president of the Machinists ' Association) "came
into the picture".
From that time on, according to Rand, the
respondent's manufacturing problems had been very unsatisfactory
and it had not been able to operate its factory efficiently.
Rand
stated that he had met with union representatives on various occa-
sions, and "that on each and every occasion after the meeting his
remarks and statements , and agreements with the Union had been
misrepresented to the public ".
And then he added, "As far as Ilion
is concerned, we lately have felt that it is not the best place in the
world to manufacture with the sentiment of the citizens of Ilion as a
whole . . .
Your own local paper, apparently , has been very an-
tagonistic to our firm, and it looks as though, that practically every-
42 The population of the four villages is about 35.000.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
651
body in Ilion is not interested in Remington Rand and they are
working entirely against us."
Schmidt then protested that Rand
held the wrong opinion of the people in Ilion and hoped he would
alter that opinion.
Rand replied that he was very glad to obtain a
"different angle on the situation ".
At that point another group
entered the discussion .
This group was headed by Reginald Boote!
and consisted of several employees in the Ilion plant .
Rand had
arranged that the two groups would be together with him at the
same time so that Boote's group was there when Allen and his
associates entered the office.
Boot-3 assured Rand that the majority
of the employees were satisfied with conditions at Ilion, that while
some of them were members of the Ilion unions they were opposed to
the tactics being used by the American Federation of Labor and
wished that such "outsiders" would keep away from Ilion.
Someone
proposed a secret ballot to determine how many would be against a
strike if one were called, and mentioned that the employees and the
business men had not recovered from the 1934 strike, so that all
were anxious that there should not be another strike.
Rand in-
formed both groups that he would not again personally meet with
representatives of the American Federation of Labor.
As a result;
Allen left the meeting with two impressions : that the future of Ilion
depended on what the employees did, and that if a strike did occur
it would be a "long drawn-out affair" because of Rand's refusal to
meet with the unions.
The strike came on May 26. About 1800 employees were on strike-
all of the production and maintenance employees .
Picketing was
commenced in orderly fashion and there was no trouble.
But despite
the absence of disorder, more than 50 guards appeared in the plant
that morning .
Most of these men, employed by the Foster Industrial
& Detective Bureau, had been sent to Middletown at Rand's orders
on May 22 and 23. At midnight, May 25, they were told by Benner
to leave for Ilion.
They arrived there and, armed with clubs and
wearing badges, patrolled the plant.
Their number increased to
about 100 in a few days.
At the same time the seeds sown by Rand on May 19 began to bear
fruit.
Allen's group of business men met with Boote's group of
employees.
The latter said that they represented a majority of
the employees, all of whom desired to return to work but needed
proper protection.
Allen's group, realizing that the strike might be
a "long drawn-out affair", decided to organize into a "Citizens Com-
mittee" and to call a mass meeting of citizens to acquaint them
with the "facts", which seemed to be two in number : that a long
strike would mean a serious loss, and that the main thing was for the
employees to resume work.
652
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
The first signs of trouble came the next day.
A group of about
50 men arrived at the plant, changed into uniforms of the Burns
Detective Agency, and then proceeded to patrol the streets around
the plant armed with clubs and guns.
Their presence and their
reputation immediately created tension-the employees were in-
censed that such men should be imported to police a strike which
was entirely peaceful.
The Sheriff was of the same opinion-"he
didn't want anything to do with that Burns crew" and wanted to
remove them since they were a source of trouble.
Yet Simson, the
respondent's attorney, was at the office of Mayor Whitney demand-
ing that these men, not identified by him as Burns men to the
Mayor, be sworn in as deputies.
The Mayor refused, since the
law did not permit him to deputize non-residents, and the Burns
men left that same evening about midnight. But Simson had made
it clear that the respondent thought the protection afforded by the
local police was far from adequate and would insist on increased
police protection.
Moreover, at a conference that day on the sub-
ject, Simson had suddenly announced that he had just received
a phone call from Rand and that the respondent was going to move
the plant immediately.
A large "For Sale" sign that appeared at the
plant and the moving of machinery corroborated this statement.
., The village authorities began to feel the pressure that was being
exerted upon them.
On the one side was the respondent with its
insistent demands for more police protection; on the other were
the business groups, fearful of a long strike and its losses, and of
the possibility that the plant would be moved elsewhere.
The neigh-
boring villages offered their aid to Mayor Whitney, and a meeting
was held on May 29 of the Joint Valley Board, consisting of the
authorities of the villages of Ilion, Frankfort, Herkimer, and Mohawk.
Boote, who was looked upon as the spokesman for the employees
said, to be opposed, to the strike, although no one bothered to investi-
gate his authority or the number of such employees, was called to
the meeting.
He joined in the demand for police protection and
also described the conference with Rand on May 19. Beer, the Joint
Board Member for Ilion, was also called to explain the unions' view.
The authorities stated to him that Rand had threatened removal of
the plant if greater police protection were not provided.
Accord-
ing to Beer "all the police force which they painted a picture as
required by Mr. Rand would be something in the nature of an army
that could drive the strikers in".
The Joint Valley Board then
spoke to Ross and Simson and were informed that it had been de-
cided the plant would be moved, the matter was "out of their
hands" and that "some one higher up would have to be contacted".
Simson's hint had its effect.
When the Joint Valley Board met
again on June 1, all were impressed with the seriousness of the
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
€53
responsibility they faced in view of the threat to move the plant.
They decided to see Rand in New York. But in the meantime
Allen's group of business leaders' had been moving faster, goaded by
the fear of losing the plant.
Their economic life depended upon the
purchasing power of the plant's payroll-their stores, their banks,
their loan associations, their medical and legal practices, stemmed
from that source.
After some discussion, Allen telephoned Rand,
told him that they were working in cooperation with Boote's group
in attempting to bring the employees back to work and asked him
for a week's grace to work it out.
Rand made an appointment with
him for June 1. Boote's group was now operating under the name,
Ilion Typewriter Employes Protective Association.
The later events
at Ilion involving this Association and the nearly identical Associa-
tions that were to spring up at other plants clearly stamp them
all as creatures of the respondent,.
The efforts of the Ilion Asso-
ciation were directed toward a mass return of the employees and a
reopening of the plant, and Boote so informed Allen.
He empha-
sized to Allen that the main problem was one of police protection
for the undertaking.
The two groups worked in close cooperation
throughout this period, meeting every day.
Allen saw Rand on June 1. Rand said that he would reopen the
plant if a majority returned to work, and when Allen spoke of police
protection, added "I fully agree with you, that that is very essential,
and that is a big problem for you people to work out who are inter-
ested in having Remington Rand manufacture in Ilion". Rand
again made it clear he would not meet with the unions. The next
day, pursuant to an appointment, Rand, with Harding and other
officials of the respondent, met for five hours with Mayor Whitney
and a group of 20 from the Joint Valley Board at the Union League
Club in New York City, and repeated these statements-if Rand
obtained police protection for opening the plant, he would keep the
plant in Ilion and might even move other plants to Ilion.
Through-
out the strike this demand for police protection was to be made
again and again by the respondent, for the presence of large forces
of police at its plants was one of the major factors in its campaign
to defeat the strike.
The presence of such forces both intimidated
the employees on strike and aided in swinging public opinion against
the strikers.
Flattering their vanity, Rand told them that they
were one of the most representative groups he had ever conferred
with.
In turn he was assured that they would do everything they
could to have him keep the plant in Ilion.
Mayor Whitney did not
mention, in connection with Rand's request for police protection, that
no disorder of any consequence had yet occurred in Ilion.
The Joint Valley Board returned to face the problem of police
protection.
The Ilion police force numbered only about six, and
654
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
though about eight special policemen had been added, it obviously
fell far short of Rand's requirements.
So the Joint Valley Board
arranged a conference with Governor Lehman and asked for State
Police.
These were refused by the Governor, who stated that it
was a problem for the Sheriff and local authorities to handle and
there was no indication that they could not cope with the situation.
The Joint Valley Board returned and continued to meet, but took no
action.
But inactivity was the very thing which the business groups
could not' permit to continue. Informed of Governor Lehman's re-
fusal, they went to the Sheriff and demanded police protection, stating
that Boote's group wanted ample protection and it was up to the
Sheriff to provide it. • With him they formulated plans for the ap-
pointment of 300 special deputies to be drawn from the four villages.
Many of these were appointed on the night of June 7.
The Sheriff also
stated he would order tear gas and ammunition.
On June 8 the business men had a show-down with the authorities.
They held another mass meeting and Allen, as Chairman, addressed
it.
Echoing Rand, he spoke of the vote on May 21 against the strike
and of "outside agitators".
He declared that the employees desired
to return to work and demanded police protection. "Police protec-
tion" was to include the clearing of all people off the streets and the
ordering of union representatives out of Ilion.
The Chief of Police
replied that people had a right to use the streets.
Allen then called
upon the Mayor and the Chief of Police either to resign or to cooper-
ate in the measures that were being taken.
A representative of the
Ilion Typewriter Employes Protective Association joined in the de-
mand.
The Mayor agreed to cooperate with them and more deputies
were sworn in.43
Allen and his group now took control.
The evening of that same day Mayor Whitney met with two of
the leaders of the Ilion unions.
He explained to them, tearfully,
"that he was being compelled to do things that he didn't want to do,
because these particular interests had and could wield an influence
which would ruin him".
The Mayor was one of the largest property
owners in Ilion "and was afraid of this committee, members of which,
included bankers, . . . he could easily be a ruined man and have
nothing left but his hat, coat and pants if these people were to clamp
down on him as they were able to do and in a manner which he felt
fearful they would do".
Similarly, other merchants informed the
union members that they feared retaliation by the Citizens Commit-
tee unless they went along with that group.
The Joint Valley Board evidenced its acquiescence by a resolution
passed that day, a copy of which was sent to Commissioner Andrews
^ He did refuse to accede to pressure brought to have the fire bell rung to summon all
of the volunteer firemen who could then be deputized.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
655
of the State Department of Labor.
The document is worth study.
It opens as follows: "Realizing the grave danger of losing a valuable
industry to our community, we assembled on the 29th day of May
last" to determine the issues and to settle them.
But, after briefly
listing the meetings it held to determine those issues, it goes on to
state the conclusions reached without any mention of what it found
the issues to be :
"First . . . we are constrained to say that agreement as be-
tween the strike leaders and the company management is in our
opinion impossible.
"Second: That Remington Rand, Inc., has definitely deter-
mined to reduce its spread of operation and is to be influenced in
its policy in this connection, by the attitude of the respective
communities in which its plants are located, toward the enforce-
ment of law and the protection of workers from intimidation,
coercion and violence.
It will not long remain in a community
which, by lack of law enforcement, encourages such unlawful
practices.
"Third: That we, as public officials, owe a duty to the indus-
tries in our community and the workmen therein to suppress
such practices by the arrest and prosecution of violations of law,
wherever and by whomever committed.
We are glad to say that
the law enforcement organizations of the respective villages and
county are now coordinated and strengthened so that this duty
which rests upon us and the county enforcement authorities is
going to be met.
The Sheriff, with our cooperation, will have
available for any emergency, approximately three hundred
deputies, fully equipped.
The district attorney and his assistant,
together with the respective village attorneys, are prepared to
promptly prosecute violations of law wherever arrests are made.
The present grand jury will remain in session to continue to
hear any evidence of violation of law which may properly come
before it.
The law must and will be enforced.
"Fourth: Finally, if plants at Ilion are not to be lost to
our community for the benefit of some other, prompt decision
and action toward settlement must be taken, without further
delay, by all workmen and their leaders. It is the responsibility
of no one individual or group of individuals. It is the indi-
vidual responsibility of each, and the common responsibility
of all."
(Bd. Ex. 173. (The number of this exhibit was er-
roneously recorded in the original of the Board's Decision as
123.
This error was corrected by an Amendment of Decision
issued March 16, 1937.) )
A document as amazing for its omissions as for its affirmative state-
ments-no mention of the fact that the law was being enforced and
656
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
that no violence had occurred to justify the measures announced,
or that no violence had occurred in the 1934 strike, no mention of
the fact that the reason agreement was impossible was the refusal
of the respondent to meet with the union representatives , no invoca-
tion to the respondent to take prompt action to settle the strike,
but only to the employees to end it by returning to work, thereby
abandoning the objectives for whose attainment they had gone on
strike.
But the document did show that the respondent 's strategy
was having its effect-apart from the'strikers, all groups Were join-
ing together to effect a mass return to work.
On June 8 there had appeared an advertisement in the Ilion
Sentinel by the Ilion Typewriter Employes Protective Association.
It stated that when enough applications to return to work had been
secured, the Association would petition Rand to reopen the plant.
But this warning followed immediately : "We must move rapidly
so that it may be possible to save some part of the plant for your
future employment before the machinery which is being dismantled
and shipped daily from Ilion, is entirely removed and the Remington
Rand industry irrevocably lost to us ."
Those who could not per-
sonally apply at the Association office were told to telephone it and
two telephone numbers were listed.
The advertisement ended with
these words: "Make Your Application Now." (Bd. Ex. 180.)
On
June 9, Boote, Allen's group, and Ross and Simson conferred about
the reopening of the plant.
Arrangements were made for a meeting
in the plant next day of those employees that desired to return.
Pursuant to these plans, the Association, which had opened an office,
sent a mimeographed letter signed by Boote to the employees of the
Ilion plant inviting them to attend a private meeting in the plant
yard on the afternoon of June 10. They were told to meet on the
respondent's property opposite the plant and march across into the
plant yard .
The streets were to be roped off and "all approaches
and entrance will be properly guarded .
.
. THERE WILL BE AMPLE
POLICE PROTECTION .
YOU WILL NOT BE MOLESTED ".
Finally, "We have
received the necessary applications to warrant asking Remington
Rand to reopen the plant if you so vote at this meeting.
This letter
is being sent to some people who have not already made application,
but we believe your name will be acceptable to the Company"-which,
translated, means that by this device we are able to keep the actual
number of applications a secret and thereby create sufficient doubt
and fear to induce many more to apply who would otherwise refuse.
A pass was enclosed in each letter bearing the employee's name and
that of the Association.
These plans were announced by Boote to
the press.
Everything was in readiness on June 10.
All of the streets sur-
rounding the plant were roped off.
Deputies and police were every-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
657
where.
Such measures naturally led to disturbances, which in turn
were treated with a severity completely beyond necessity, thereby
heightening the intimidation worked by the display of force.
For
example, after a crowd drawn by a brief altercation had returned
behind the ropes, it was nevertheless dispersed with tear gas, one
bomb coining froin a factory window.
Tear gas guns were mounted
in several of the plant windows.
A little over 500 employees entered
the plant grounds that day.
These numbers were swelled by a group
of employees from one of the small units of the plant which had not
joined the strike, and which marched to the main plant grounds
in a body. They listened to speeches by Boote, Simson, Ross, and
others.
Finally, at the proper moment the "For Sale" sign came
down and a flag rose melodramatically on the staff.
Rand himself
appeared and in a speech congratulated the employees.
The first step was thus over-and the plant was to open in
earnest the next day.
On the night of June 10 the final preparations
were taken.
These preparations were aided by a rumor-declared
later by a reporter covering Ilion for a Utica paper to be untrue-
that 500 strikers were marching from Syracuse that night.
Allen
had first requested State police from Acting Governor Bray and
his request had been refused.
The Board of Trustees of Ilion then
met and passed the following resolution :
"Motion made by Trustee Maury and seconded by Trustee
Paddock, that the Mayor be authorized to declare a state of
emergency in the Village of Ilion and that all roads and
entrances be blocked and nobody allowed to enter the village
unless they have lawful business in the village."
The Mayor declared the emegency to be effective as of midnight,
June 10.
With that declaration "law and order" broke, loose and
Ilion became an armed camp, separated from the outside world.
The number of special deputies was increased to 300, many business
men serving in that capacity.
The main road leading into the
village was barricaded with a large chain.
Squads of special depu-
ties and the local police armed with shotguns-consisting of four
to six deputies and one policeman in a squad-stood guard at the
entrances to the village and patrolled the streets.
Only persons with
passes of the Association, those working at the Remington Arms
plant, and others satisfactory to the guards were permitted to enter
the village.
Arms had been secured that night at the Remington
Arms plant and were carried by many of the special deputies and
police.
Others carried clubs.
Private cars were used to serve as
police cars.
The headquarters of the Ilion unions, where the pickets
gathered, and which were across the street from the plant, were
padlocked by the Village Board on the basis of one complaint by
658
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
an adjoining landowner.44
The Chief of Police, in answer to pro-
tests of union leaders, stated that "Lieutenant Governor Bray de-
clared martial law on the request of Mayor Whitney of Ilion"-
which was denied by Bray and was obviously false.
When an
investigator attached to New York State Department of Labor, who
had been sent to Ilion to investigate the situation upon complaint
of the unions, questioned the necessity for such measures, he was
informed by the spokesman for the Joint Valley Board that "as Mr.
Rand had threatened to move the plant from Ilion, and it would be
the ruination of all four villages, . . . it was absolutely necessary
that the strikers were shown that they were in the wrong and have
them return to work".
With the village thus turned into a fort, the foremen on June 11
visited the homes of the employees to persuade them to return. They
stated that the deadline for jobs was that evening.
All they wanted
them to do was to enter the plant-they were not required to work
in the plant.
For that they would receive $5 in cash and $10 later.
There was an exception-those who had been too "active" in the
unions would not be permitted to return at that time.
These measures could have had but one effect.
The union ranks
were broken and the employees began to enter the plant in large
numbers.
On June 12 about 1200 employees entered the plant.45
The barricades were withdrawn and the deputies decreased, but the
emergency resolution remained in force .16
The union headquarters
were still padlocked, the authorities stating in answer to the conten-
tion that these actions were unlawful, "Legal or not, we done it." 47
A celebration was also held at the plant on Saturday, June 13.
Allen, village officials, and others made speeches, all in a jubilant
tone.
An employee who had been working on Friday and who did
not attend, the celebration and have his picture taken was discharged
for that failure.
There remained only the work of "mopping up".
For the next few weeks foremen and other supervisory officials visited
the homes of employees to persuade them to return to work. They
stated that "The Federation is a thing of the past in Ilion", and
informed the employees that their jobs would be held open for only
a few days.
Many succumbed to this pressure. In the course of the
"The unions had leased the building.
45 By the middle of November , 1100 to 1200 union members had returned
Picketing,
with about 100 to 150 people participating, still continued .
About 500 union members
were still on strike at that time
"About 10 special policemen were kept at least until September 1.
The total expense
to the Village for special policemen in the period from May 26 to September 1, was about
$3000
The normal monthly expenses of the village for all purposes is only $10 ,000
The
other villages , of course , experienced similar expenses.
47 The headquarters remained padlocked under order of the Village Board until July,
when a court order required the removal of the padlock
But the same day Schmidt, one
of the Citizens Committee , acting for a client, had the premises padlocked and consequently
the unions were unable to use them.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
659
attempts to persuade the polishers to return, the superintendent in-
vited a committee to meet him at the, plant ostensibly for a confer-
ence..
However, they were met, with motion picture cameras and
refused to enter the plant, -realizing that it was a scheme to obtain
pictures which could be- headed, "Polishers returning_ to work."
Later, the superintendent informed - the polishers all could return
with the exception of Harold Beer, President of the Polisher'sUnion
and Joint Board member for Ilion. It was understood that this
meant Beer was discharged 48
The reopening, was celebrated at a meeting on June 12 of -the Cit-
izens Committee and the Joint Valley Board, at, which they were
honored with a speech by Rand. He was effusive in, his praise : Ilion
was to be congratulated for the type of people it had and what they
had done. "Two million business men have 'been looking for a
formula like this and business has hoped for, dreamed of and prayed
for such an example as. you have set"- an example that "would
go down into history as--the Mohawk Valley Formula". Such per-
petuation of. their example was no idle boast-the next day 'repre-
sentatives of the National Association of Manufacturers came to
Ilion and interviewed those prominent in the execution of the "Mo-
hawk Valley Formula".
On July 20, 1936, an article entitled, "A
Community Organizes !" appeared in the Labor Relations Bulletin
of that -organization.
In it Barney Allen told the story 'of how
Ilion's "aroused citizens, determined that no group- should place
itself above law and order by restricting the rights of others, organ-
ized to safeguard the `right to work"'.
After the story was related,
the article continued : "The N. A. M. appreciates the opportunity,
through these columns, of bringing to the attention of industrial
America the constructive manner in which this controversy was
handled by, these villages. 'Regardless of the final settlement of the
dispute, here or at other Remington-Rand plants, Ilion has made a
real contribution to civic dignity." (Bd.' Ex. 178.)
Rand thus handed industry the "Mohawk Valley Formula". But
the representatives of the N. A. M. had'wisely omitted to interview
a person who could have illurlinated the picture from a different
angle.
Pearl Bergoff, expert in the technique'of strikebreaking and
head of a large strikebreaking agency employed by the respondent,
had this to say about Ilion:
"A. Rand was very anxious to get.his help back.
He was
away ahead of the rest of his lieutenants.
He wanted to get
them back in four or five days. Take Utica (Ilion), for in-
48 Beer's weekly pay prior to the strike was $32, but much of his time in 1936 was spent
on union matters for which he was not compensated by the respondent.
5727-37-vol. It-43
660
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
stance.
If he had his way, he was away ahead of Simson and
the rest of them that were there.
He wanted-.to do everything
in a hurry, but he was advised against it -by Simson and Ross,
and myself, as far as that is concerned.
"Q. What was the technique Rand suggested to you?
"A. He thought we ought to have a big mass meeting, get
them all together, and a lot of- speeches and ballyhoo, and
march them all to the plant.
"Q. Was that discussed pro and con with Rand?
"A. I believe things along that line was discussed with him,
mostly over the long distance telephone.
"Q. Had you never had occasion to use that device in your
business before?
"A. Yes, I had. Sometimes it was successful and sometimes
it failed.
`•`Q. Did you vote against it, so to speak?
"A. I voted against anything that Rand wanted done, in a
hurry.
He was too much in a hurry on this job. In fact, I
think that Mr. Simson, over there, had more to do with get-
ting the men back at Utica (Ilion) than anyone.
"Q. Did you cooperate with Mr. Simson?
"A. I did to the best of my ability.
"Q. Just exactly what form did that cooperation take?
"A. I was in conference with him sometimes at the Hotel
Utica, I think it was, in the evening, and plant superintendent
Ross was there, and he would get on the telephone and spend
about three hours talking to Rand.
"Q. What was the plan evolved out of all that?
"A. Rand had two or three days that he was going to--get the
men back to work and I know that I advised against it and so
did Mr. Simson.
"Q. Just what did Rand want to do that you thought was
bad business judgment from your own point of view?
"A. I didn't think that the conditions were quite right to-
warrant the help being brought back. I thought they needed a
little more patience and waited.
"Q. And is there a kind of build-up that is used as a matter
of . . .
'
"A. They had quite a number of their own employees going
(about) doing missionary work in Utica (Ilion). I imagine
there were about forty or fifty loyal employees going around.
Rand wanted my men to go around with these people. I was.
against it.
Simson was against it and thought it wouldn't look
very well for outsiders to go around with loyal employees. In
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
N
661
fact, they were doing better work than my men could do, but
Rand-he thought otherwise.
"Q. When you speak of Utica, you mean Ilion?
"A. Yes, sir.
"Q. Did.-Rand's view finally prevail or your view finally pre-
vail about your men going out with employees on missionary
work?
"A. No, I stuck to my guns.
"Q. And you did not let them go out together?
"A. No, I did not.
.. .
"Q. ,What did you have your men doing?
"A. My men were scattered around Ilion, the, different little
towns and, Lord, I forget, I had about sixty or seventy scat-
tered around there.
"Q. What was the peak at Ilion?
"A. I guess. 'about seventy, somewhere around there ... I
had about 150 between Syracuse and Ilion, at one time, I should
imagine.
"Q. At what,period was that?
"A. I should say about the sixth, seventh or eighth of June,
around that time.
"Q. Now what were these men doing that you had instructed
not to go around with the old employees?
"A. They were simply mixing around with the help and listen-
ing, just hanging around, making themselves useful.
God knows
what they were doing. I could not keep track of them myself.
"Q. We have heard a lot about rumors in this case, Mr. Bergoff.
Are rumors part of the technique, starting rumors?
"A. You mean whispering, is that the idea?
"Q. Yes.
"A. That would have a lot to do with it's
"Q. What of all the whispering silbjects, do you consider
most persuasive in your business so far as accomplishing the
purpose?
"A. Well, you talk along the line that `you are out of work,
you are not drawing any wages'.
You know the man wants
to go back to work; maybe his rent is due. 'Why don't you
fellows go on back to work, or you girls', whatever they are, and
"Whittemore , the reporter for the Utica , Daily Press, who covered Ilion during the
strike, testified :
"Q. What other rumors came to your attention that you did run down?
"A. There were, there were about 50 every day.
"Q. Did you find out what the source was?
"A. No.
"Q Had you ever beenlin a town where there were so many rumors?
"A. No, I never had."
662
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS ^ BOARD
`If you have any grievances, when you get back, go on back to
work, and if you have any grievances, take them up with, him.
This fellow must be. human and, is not a tin god'. If 'you have
two or three ... who have been in the plant twenty years, take
John Jones or Sarah Anderson, maybe they have been in the
-,plant all their life, and take your superintendent, and get them
back to work, and ... you will get about fifty per cent of them
1
1,
going back instead of staying out on strike.'
"Q. Isn't that what you have described a missionary job?
"A. Yes, sir ...
"Q. Who do you rely on for instructions to your meTy so far
as it relates to the whispering campaign.?
'U. Oh, they use their own judgment.t
"Q. In other words, you do not feel it is necessary to instruct
your lieutenants?
•
"A. No, a man that cannot go out and, do his :work without
my instructing him. every, time is no good.
These fellows get
good wages.
For Heaven's sake, if they can't go.' out and do
their work right, after being at it fifteen 'or twenty years, they
would have to have a nurse or something." ' '
Captain Shaw, the "radical investigator", 1 ad this to say con-
cerning his conversations with Rand :
'
"Q. Did you get' the" impression that he ,was following some
plan which he had worked out?
"A. I did, yes sir.
,
"Q. What was that plan of Rand's
"A. The first idea was to-to go to most of ,their homes, talk
to their wives and families.
The second was to have a lot of
people go in en masse into the plant and to come out en masse,
and there were so many numerous propositions, I just don't re-
member off hand ...
"Q. Was this mass, entry into the plant to be associated with
the so-called opening'of the plant?
"A. Yes, sir."
In the light of such testimony Allen, Mayor Whitney, and their
fellow citizens, appear as mere puppets dangled on an economic life-
line held by the respondent.
With Bergoff's testimony as a guide,
the events at Ilion may be thus summarized and interpreted : Ilion
is dependent upon the respondent's plant for its economic existence.
Since the beginning of 1936, that village had faced disquieting rumors
of a transfer of the plant to' Elmira and the respondent had height-
ened the effect by its evasion of a definite reply.
When Rand realized
a strike was inevitable because of his refusal to' confer with the Joint
Board, he invited Allen and the financial leaders of Ilion to a con-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
663
ference in New York. Three things were accomplished at this con-
ference-the business men were threatened with removal of the plant
because of alleged interferences of the unions; they were made to
realize that a strike would be a long and costly affair because of the
impossibility of settlement, inasmuch as Rand was determined not
to meet with the unions; they were introduced to, Boote and his
group as purporting to represent a majority of the employees and
informed by Boote that the employees did not desire a strike. In
this fashion the leaders of the community were led to believe that
the strike lacked the support, even' of the employees.
As a result,
when the strike actually came, Allen and the Citizens Committee
joined with Boote in an attempt to reopen the plant rather than with
the unions in an attempt to 'end the strike through collective bar-
gaining conferences.60
Rand's first move had been successful-the
community had been divided with the business groups opposed to
the, unions.
This much accomplished, the next objective was a show of force
to intimidate the striking employees and compel their return to work.
The Burns crew was imported for that purpose, but the move failed
as the community had not yet been prepared for the use of thugs.
The plan was then adapted to a slower and subtler approach. Pres-
sure was brought on the village authorities and on the Citizens Com-
mittee through threats to move the plant, and these threats were sub-
stantiated. by overt acts, such as the "For Sale" sign and the move-
ment of machinery.
At the same time they were informed through
Rand at the New York conference and by Simson in Ilion that the
pressure could be lifted if ample• "police protection" were afforded
by the village for a "back to work" movement. The movement was
being fostered through the combined efforts of Bergoff's missionaries
and the respondent's direction of the work of Boote's group.
But
the village authorities were slow to act and when Governor Lehman
refused State Police they were at a loss for the next step.
But at
this point the heavy economic pressure directed at the business groups
in the community had its effect and they, in turn using economic
pressure, forced the Mayor to yield control to them.
With the in-
timidating show of force now provided by the village itself, through
its police and deputies, Rand was ready for the next move.
A trial
mass meeting accompanied by' speeches, dramatic scenes, and Ber-
goff's "ballyhoo?' showed that the "back to work" propaganda had
been effective and the plant was ready for reopening.
Naturally,
at this time the cumulative force of the-various events began to'tell
on the people in the village.
A few well chosen rumors, such as that
regarding the Syracuse invasion, provided the final impetus.
With
50 Allen did not at any time contact the unions.
664
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
these, a wave of mass hysteria swept the village and Ilion became
an armed town ruled by citizens turned vigilantes and raised to a
frenzied pitch by the delusions evoked by armed force and the swift
seizure of power.
The union ranks, subjected to that hysteria and
being at the same time undermined by the respondent's threats of
replacement and bonus offers-eight hundred $5 bills were dis-
tributed on June 10-could not hold together and the strike was
broken.
There remained only the final touch-Rand's christening this
technique the "Mohawk Valley Formula" and proudly offering it to
his fellow members in the National. Association of Manufacturers
as an example of modern strike breaking. The Labor Relations
Bulletin of that organization, which contained the description of
the events at Ilion, while avoiding interpretation, was careful in
effect to outline the steps so that the "Formula" can be more easily
followed.
We repeat this technique of strike breaking, interpolating
our interpretations:
First: When a strike is threatened, label the union leaders as
"agitators" to discredit them with the public and their own follow-
ers.
In the plant, • conduct .a forced balloting under the direction of
foremen in an attempt to ascertain the strength of the union and to
make possible misrepresentation of the strikers as a small minority
imposing their will upon the majority.
At the same time, dissemi-
nate propaganda, by means of press releases, advertisements, and
the activities of "missionaries", such propaganda falsely stating the
issues involved in the strike so that the strikers appear to be making
arbitrary demands, and the real issues, such as the employer's refusal
to bargain collectively, are obscured.
Concurrently with these moves,
by exerting economic pressure through threats to move the plant,
align the influential members of the community into a cohesive
group opposed to the strike. Include in this group, usually desig-
nated a "Citizens Committee", representatives of the bankers, real
estate owners, and business men, i. e., those most sensitive to any
threat of removal of the plant because of . its effect upon property
values and purchasing power flowing from payrolls.
Second: When the strike is called raise high the banner of "law
and order", thereby causing the community to mass legal and police
weapons against a wholly'imagined violence and to forget that those
of its members who are employees have equal rights with the other
members of the community.
Third: Call a. "mass meeting" of the citizens to coordinate public
sentiment against the strike and to strengthen the power of the
Citizens Committee, which organization, thus supported, will both
aid the employer in exerting pressure upon the local authorities
and itself sponsor vigilante activities.
'
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
665
Fourth: Bring about the formation of a large armed police force
to intimidate the strikers and to exert a psychological effect upon
the citizens. ` This force is built up by utilizing local police, State
Police if the Governor cooperates, vigilantes, and special deputies,
the deputies being chosen if possible from other neighborhoods, so
that there will be no personal relationships to induce sympathy for
the strikers.
Coach the deputies and vigilantes on the law of un-
lawful assembly, inciting to riot, disorderly conduct, etc., so that,
unhampered by any thought that the strikers may also possess some
rights, they will be ready and anxious to use their newly acquired
authority to the limit.
Fifth: And perhaps most important, heighten the demoralizing
effect of the above measures-all designed to convince the strikers
that their cause is hopeless-by a "back to work" movement, oper-
ated by a puppet association of so-called "loyal employees" secretly
organized by the employer.
Have this association wage a publicity
campaign in its own name and coordinate such campaign with the
work of the "Missionaries"circulating among the strikers and visit-
ing their homes.
This "back to work" movement has these results :
It causes the public to believe that the strikers are in the minority
and that most of the employees desire to return to work, thereby
winning sympathy for the employer and an endorsement of his activ-
ities to such an extent that the public is willing to pay the huge
costs, direct and indirect, resulting from the heavy forces of police.
This "back to work" movement also enables the employer, when the
plant is later opened, to operate it with strikebreakers if necessary and
to continue to refuse to' bargain collectively with the strikers. In
addition, the "back to work" movement permits the employer to keep
a constant check on the strength of the union through the number of
applications received from employees ready to break ranks and re-
turn to work, such number being ' kept' secret from the public and
the other employees, so that the doubts and fears created by such
secrecy will,in turn induce still others to make applications.
Sixth: When a sufficient •number.of applications are on hand, fix
a date for an opening of the plant through the device of having
such opening requested by the "back to work" association.
Together
with the Citizens Committee, prepare for such opening by making
provision for a peak army. of police by roping off the areas sur-
rounding the plant, by' securing arms and ammunition, : etc'. - The
purpose of the "opening" of the plant is threefold : To see if enough
employees are ready to return to work; to induce still others to re-
turn as a result of the demoralizing effect produced by the opening of
the plant and the return of some of their number; and lastly, even
if the manoeuvre fails to induce a sufficient number of persons to
666
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
return, to persuade the public through pictures and news releases
that the opening was nevertheless successful.
Seventh,: Stage the "opening", theatrically throwing open the gates
at the propitious moment and having the employees march into the
plant grounds in a massed group protected by squads of armed police,
so as to give to the opening a dramatic and exaggerated quality and
thus heighten its demoralizing effect.
Along with the "opening"
provide a spectacle-speeches, flag raising, and praises for the em-
ployees, citizens, and local authorities, so that, their vanity touched,
they will,feel responsible for the continued success of the scheme
and will increase their efforts to induce additional employees to
return to work.
Eighth,: Capitalize on the demoralization of the strikers by contin-
uing the show of police force and the pressure of the Citizens Com-
mittee, both to, insure that those employees who have returned will
continue at work and to force the remaining strikers to capitulate.
If necessary, turn the locality into a warlike camp through the dec-
laration of a state of emergency tantamount to martial law and
barricade it from the outside world so that nothing may interfere
with the successful conclusion of the "Formula", thereby driving
home to the union leaders the futility of further efforts to hold
their ranks intact.
Ninth: Close the publicity barrage, which day by day during the
entire period has increased the demoralization worked by all of
these measures, on the theme that the plant is in full operation and
that the strikers were merely, a minority attempting to interfere
with the "right to work", thus inducing the public to place a moral
stamp of approval. upon- the above measures.
With this, the cam-
paign is over-the employer has broken the strike.61
B.
Tonawanda
Tonawanda and North Tonawanda are adjoining villages of about
31,000 total population, situated four miles from Buffalo, New York.
They constitute one community and will be referred to ' as Ton-
awanda.
As in Ilion all the production and maintenance employees
responded to the strike call, and on May 26 the plant was com-
pletely closed.
Peaceful picketing was commenced by the union.
The, respondent's first move at Tonawanda was to attempt de-
moralization of the union through the discharge 'of its leaders.
51 The article in the Labor Relations Bulletin of the National Association of Manufac-
turers presents the steps taken at Ilion in narrative fashion.
We have above added certain
steps not stressed in the Bulletin , and amplified others in accordance with the events that
actually occurred at Ilion, so that the reader may possess the complete picture intended to
be conveyed by the Bulletin , inasmuch as the Bulletin obviously omits certain aspects that
might be too embarrassing to the respondent if they were known fully. The method of
paragraphing used above does not appear in the account in the Bulletin in view of its
narrative style.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
667
David Lozo, the -recording secretary and former president, also
Joint Board member for Tonawanda, Walter G. Gaul, the vice-
president, Walter J. J. Todd, a , member of the shop committee,
Floyd J. Young, chairman of the shop committee, Felix Monnier, a
member of the shop committee, and William Townsend, also on the
shop committee and former vice-president, received letters on May
28, 1936, worded as follows :
"Due to the fact that you have tried to prevent some of the
employees of the Tonawanda Plants from expressing and exer-
cising their own opinion by coercion and intimidation, ,I find
it necessary to dismiss you from our payroll.
"You will, therefore, find your final check, which is payment in
full, enclosed."
(Bd. Ex. 88.)
It was this group of union leaders who, Cooper, had constituted
the shop committee that met with Hart to discuss grievances and
other matters.
The respondent was thus resorting to the June 18,
1934, confidential agreement in an effort to disguise discharges for
union activity.
Previously, on May 21, Charles Cooper, president
of the Federal Labor Union, had been discharged by Hart, the
factory manager.
Cooper had stated' that the posted notice con-
taining the results of the voting on May 21 was false and when he
began to support his contention, Hart stated, "I am not going to
take any more from you. I have taken enough off you.
Here are
both your checks, get off the premises of Remington Rand Company
and don't come near it no more."
His discharge occasioned a spon-
taneous sit-down strike, which was ended only when Hart agreed
to meet with Cooper to consider his reinstatement.
Cooper had not
been reinstated by May 26, the day of the strike, nor was he rein-
stated at any later date.
On the day after the discharges of the union leaders, May 29, the
respondent announced that its plant was open and ready to resume
operations.
No one entered. But two days later.a bus load of strike-
breakers entered the plant under heavy police guard.
The entire
Tonawanda police force, led by'its chief' and armed with' shotguns,
and a large number of deputies convoyed.the bus into, the plant
yard.
The situation may be visualized, perhaps, from the following
testimony :
"Q. How many men were in this bus?
"A. About thirty, sir.
"Q. How were they dressed?
"A. Well, Mr. Examiner, that bus went in so fast in that gate;
it was just a blur".
Their presence immedately created resentment among the striking
employees and the situation grew so tense that the Mayor called
668
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Cooper and Hart together in an effort to ease the tension.
Hart
urged Cooper that the Tonawanda union should split off from the
other unions affiliated with the Joint Board and make a separate
settlement.
The Mayor joined in this request but Cooper explained
that it was clearly impossible.
Hart then said that "he had orders
to ship and he must ship at all costs". The Mayor finally arranged
for a one day truce, stating that in the meantime he would contact
Rand.
He did and at a meeting of the union be reported Rand's
answer :
"You run the City and I will run my business." The
next day 'the respondent again attempted shipping operations.
The
United Press report of the result follows :
"Violence broke out again, at one of the Tonawanda- plants
today when strike breakers appeared on the 'loading platform.
Strikers began throwing rocks, breaking about a half dozen
windows in the plant.
Deputy sheriffs, police and railroad
detectives 'succeeded in dispersing the strikers.
None was in-
jured.
"The mayors of Tonawanda. and North Tonawanda asked
company officials to suspend shipping operations from the local
plants. 'The company answered the orders had to be filled and
that it was the job of local law enforcement authorities to pre-
vent strikers from interfering." (Bd. Ex. 236i.)
Cooper halted the stone-throwing by the strikers.
All was then quiet on the surface until June 8. In the intervening
days the union could notice only -an increasing tension, as if a storm
were brewing; and police' and deputy sheriffs increased in number.
On June- 8 the entire Tonawanda police force gathered, reinforced
by about 80 deputies armed with, night. sticks.
They were spread
throughout the entire area around the plant.
Early in the same
morning a group of 50 men appeared across a field adjoining the
plant and commenced to -march toward the plant. They were fol-
lowed in turn by another group of 50.
The union pickets and sym-
pathizers, 'recognizing them as strikebreakers, blocked their way and
fighting began. • The police aided the strikebreakers and they
marched into the plant.
A half hour later Hart asked Cooper to
give the strikebreakers a safe escort out of town and Cooper agreed.
The strikebreakers left the same morning.
The United Press report of the occurrence uses such terms as these :
"strikers who earlier in the morning had rioted. Several persons
were injured and six were arrested during the disorder . . . The
riot was-ended by police who charged into the melee swinging night
sticks . . .
Earlier in the day union leaders claimed the company
brought in 100 strike-breakers in two groups.
Pickets met the first
group of 25 at the plant gates and forced the strike-breakers away.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
669
The second group of 75 was met by 200 strikers who threw stones
and engaged in hand to hand combat with clubs. Police used night
sticks before the rioting was brought under control." (Bd. Ex. 236j.)
Any person familiar with the labor scene knows what is likely to
be the consequences of such reports.
Riots mean "violence" and "vio-
lence" swings public opinion against the strikers.
There is an imme-
diate cry for "law and order", state police, the National Guard, so
that the issues that gave rise to the strike are swept away by bullets
and tear gas.
Moreover, in a case such as this where plants in vari-
ous portions of the country are involved, news of the "violence" is
disseminated at once to all areas affected by the strike.
The citizens
of Middletown, Ilion, Syracuse, and Norwood read in their local
papers of the "violence" at Tonawanda and at once are prey to the
respondent's suggestions that measures be taken to prevent its occur-
rence in their communities, not stopping to reflect that no disorders
have yet occurred in their localities.
In this regard the testimony of
Mayor Whitney of Ilion is revealing :
"Q. Now, early in the strike, being the first week of the strike,
and the last week in May, what was it that caused you to make
the statement `Ilion should have protection', and what did you
mean by that?
"A. I meant that the Village of Ilion should preserve law and
order .. .
"Q. What made you apprehensive as to the need for
protection?
"A. We wanted to prevent occurrences that were occurring in
other towns where Remington Rand was located ...
"Q. Normally, however, it is quite peaceful?
"A. Very peaceful.
"Q. What disorders had come to your attention prior to your
conference with Rand in New York on June 2nd?
"A. Why only minor ... If there were, they were
minor
.
.
."
The importance of seeking the causes for the disorder at Tona-
wanda is thus evident.
We turn again to the testimony of Bergoff :
"I took 75 or 85 men to Tonawanda on the 7th or 8th of June,
.I forget which. It was on Monday, the 8th . . . There
was about 75 or 80 men that were taken to Buffalo with the idea
of going to the plant 62 . . .
We had a terrible time to get
vehicles to transport them, so we had to get taxicabs.
About
half past four in the morning these men were all sent up in
cabs to Tonawanda, which is possibly eight or ten or twelve
m These men were taken from Bergoff 's groups of operatives in Syracuse and Ilion.
670
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
miles away, I guess, and they were to ' be dropped of at a
certain point and-
"Q. How near the plant?
"A. I guess about half a mile, I don't know
.
.
.
So as I
understand, they started for. the plant in two bodies about a
couple of blocks or three or four blocks apart . . .
"Q. And their instructions were to get into the plant?
"A. To try, yes , to peacefully go in, go into the plant as though
they were looking for work, just to go in there . . .
"Q. What did he tell you was the object of those people
going back there, what was the reason for having this group
walk in?'
"A. He (Rand) - said he had a, great many loyal employees
that wanted to return to work ,and he would like to have thew
people go there as though they, were
-seeking
'work . . .
These men did not even have a pen knife, talk about arming
men,53 and they were showered with bricks and concrete , mortar,
anything that was handy, and several of my boys were -severely
hurt.
There was a lot of scalp wounds, and brujses, a general
battle.
About sixty of them got into the plant, or , fifty-nine, to
be exact.
The rest of them faded , but showed up later on to be
transported.
You understand, you could not,see their coattails,
some of them were so fast . . .
"I do not know, Rand kind of put it over on me-between you
and I, I did not know there were quite so many bricks in Tona-
wanda.
He even wanted me to send some of the women and I
am glad I didn't, afterwards , and so was he.
Our relations were
very friendly , but we certainly had a reception committee.
They called it the Tonawanda rock pile . . .
"I met Rand in the plant about an hour or two -afterwards.
He had been taking pictures, moving pictures and I really believe
it was a very good stunt on Rand's part because he took some
nice pictures and showed hove my men were showered with
bricks.
I believe he published some in the papers afterwards
showing how the peaceful pickets molested those who wanted
to go to work.
In fact, he identified some of these employees
of his, that were on strike, throwing bricks and .showering rocks
on these peaceful chaps I had, wanting to go to work . . . I
believe he told me that he had had photographs taken and I
think, not only moving pictures , but still photographs, to be
150n this point, however, Cooper testified that the strikebreakers were armed with
rocks, sticks, iron bolts, etc.
He described them as follows : "They were about the
toughest bunch of men that I ever laid eyes on, half of them had scars from ear to ear
on their faces.
They were real big, husky, plug-uglies."
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
671
used in the newspapers, showing the strikers throwing stones
at the men that were trying to enter the plant .. .
"Rand talked about the pictures.
He said he had photographs
about the assault and my people had done wonderful work and
started to congratulate me . . . he congratulated me on the bril-
liant work I had done, and I said I didn't see anything brilliant
about it, the men had gotten into the plant the- best way they
could while they were under a shower of bricks, and he was
taking' pictures of it.
Naturally he had them published show-
--ing peaceful pickets, America, a free land, all that stuff.
Nat-
iirally, it wasn't bad stuff,, because those peaceful pickets were
certainly raising the, devil
"I didn't know anything about it until it was over with and
then Rand and I had a battle . . . I was sore as the devil at
Rand. In fact, I had a hell of an argument with him . . . and
said `If you were going to pull a stunt off like this, why didn't
you let me know. Some of my men might have got killed up
there . . . It is a good, thing we didn't bring the women along'.
He laughed.
"Trial Examiner Wood: Were you accusing Rand of staging
this thing?
-
"The Witness : I did, to tell you the honest truth, but I guess
everything is all right.
Rand is all right. I am not making
any complaint. . . . I think this was an injunction or something,
I don't know ...- he was going- to use it to apply for a tem-
porary injunction restraining intimidating those who wanted to
'go back to work . . . I know I must have mentioned to him,
`If you wanted to have an injunction taken out, if you wanted
this stuff, why didn't you tell me?' . . . That was good stuff for
getting an injunction, if anything could get an injunction, that
would." 54
Williams, one of the Bergoff men that "made the plant", testified
as' follows :
"Q. Did you have anything to do with obtaining injunctions?
"A. Well, unless you would consider 'that trip to Tonawanda
and Middletown.
"Q. Well tell us how they worked in with injunctions?
"A. Well, no doubt but that trip there was proof of violence:
"Q. That Middletown trip?
"A. Yes, and Tonawanda.
"Q. And Tonawanda?
"A. Yes."
54 The sequence of Bergoff's testimony has been rearranged so as to present a con-
nected story and some of the questions are omitted.
672
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
This testimony requires no "reading between the lines".
Rand
deliberately had, these men, posing as people applying for work,
stage a march into the plant knowing that their presence would in-
furiate the strikers to the point of combat.
As Bergoff said : "I
wasn't informed, but I knew darned well that taking seventy-five
men into a plant, whether it is Tonawanda, Syracuse or Ilion, that
there would be no picnic while they were going in there-not at
that stage of the game." The violence thus manufactured could
be put to many uses-propaganda to mould public opinion against
the unions, evidence to be used in injunction suits as Bergoff explained,
the basis of a request for local police protection or the National
Guard.
There is food for thought here for courts overhasty to grant
injunctions in labor disputes when "violence" appears, and for
Governors prone to call out the troops to maintain "law and order"
at such times-back of the evidence presented to them by employers
may be the operations of the Bergoffs, Fosters et at.
Shortly after Bergoff's men entered the plant that morning, Rand
himself came out to address the strikers.
He said, "We don't have
to be on strike here.
We can iron out our difficulties right here."
The crowd cried, "Talk to Cooper, Cooper is here."
Rand answered,
"I only talk to people on the payroll." Cooper then stated that if
Rand were sincere in his desire to settle the strike,. he would have
the Joint Board.members meet at once.
Rand replied, "You will
never get me to talk to the Joint Protective Board and especially
Crofoot and the rest of them. I will never. sit down and talk to
them. . . . I never want to have anything to do with any organized
unions."
When Cooper suggested that if Crofoot's presence was the
only stumbling block he would; withdraw, Rand answered, 'I won't
sit down and talk to any of them. I won't talk to no representative
of the American Federation of Labor or-any-other representatives."
Photographers then appeared and Rand said to Cooper, "Let's have
a picture together," but Cooper refused.
Pictures were taken of
Rand addressing the strikers and urging them to "go back to work
and forget the other plants."
Later, when Hart told Cooper that
Rand would see him or' some of his local committee, Cooper replied
that while Hart knew Cooper could not speak for the Joint Board
he would nevertheless see Rand if Walsh, an A. F. of L. organizev
representing Federal Labor Unions, who was then present, were
allowed to accompany him.
Hart said, "I am sorry, Cooper, but I
can't let Walsh come in there because I don't believe Mr. Rand would
stand for it, you know how Mr. Rand would feel about it, and I
can't take that upon my shoulders."
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
673
That evening Rand made known the following document :
"Points decided on at the meeting held at the Main Street
office, Plant #1, June 8, 1936 at 5:30 P. M. between Mr.' J. H.
Rand, President and five union and five non-union workers of
Remington Rand Inc., Tonawanda, N. Y.
"I. We have the unanimous agreement from both these groups
that they believe that the Company is justified in not taking
back these seventeen (17) men who were guilty of intimidation
at Syracuse.
"2. We have the unanimous agreement that the relations be-
tween the employees and the Company in Tonawanda should be
handled without reference to anything that might take place
or any persons who might be employed in outside cities.
That
the Tonowanda 'affairs be handled by Tonawanda and for the
Tonawanda people.
"3. We have had request from the workers as to what could
be done in relation to group life insurance plan and a profit
sharing plan and the management has agreed to take this into
consideration.
"4: We have discussed the future operations of this plant and
the management has stated- that unless enough workers return
to work within a few days to fill the orders on the books of the
corporation that supply the commissions to the sales force, who
are entirely dependent upon them for their livelihood, it is the
duty of this Company to move the manufacturing operations
from here to Marietta as rapidly as can be done with the excep-
tion of the printing and book'binding and a few miscellaneous
special departments, and, if that is done the Main Street Plant
of the Company will be devoted to warehousing." (Bd. Ex. 86.)
Thus the "agreement"; now the facts : The printers in the plant,
15 to 20 in number, were members of the Buffalo Printing Pressmen
& Assistants' Union No. 27.
That organization was not affiliated with
the Joint Board and the printers did not join in the strike, remaining
at work in the plant.
About, 4: 30 o'clock in the afternoon of June
$, the superintendent asked them to send five men to the main office.
These were the "five union workers."
There were also gathered in
that office in the same fashion two time clerks, a stock chaser for one
of the superintendents, a foreman and an assistant foreman-these
were the "non-union workers."
With these ten men present, who
had neither gone 'on strike nor were in any sense representatives of
the employees, Rand dictated the document quoted above and asked
them to sign it.
The next day, a representative of the International
Printing Pressmen & Assistants' Union of North America repudiated
the action of the five printers.
674
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
A farcical procedure perhaps, but one, whose consequences clearly
reveal Rand's motive.
In Connecticut, the Middletown Press of
June 8 carried this story on the events at Tonawanda :
"RAND WILL TALK WITH N. Y. HELP
"Meets Pickets at Tonawanda and • Agrees to Confer There
Tonight
"The first break in the staunch lines maintained by company
and, employes in the two weeks old strike of Remington-Rand
Company union employees occurred today when President James
H, Rand, Jr. announced he would meet both union and non-union
employe group representatives at Tonawanda, N. Y. tonight.
Engaged in personally viewing reopening of the Tonawanda,
factories, Mr. Rand talked with union pickets outside the factory
gates and agreed to meet all disputing parties this evening... .
"Rand told the strikers that he was willing to meet a committee
from the striking workers and arbitrate the matter. 'His an-
nouncement, the first overture of the company toward arbitra-
tion, was followed by a truce under which the company agreed to
send all strike breakers away
"'You have said that I refused to meet the employes', Rand
said. `Well I am here and will meet with any of you'.
"'Will you meet with our union representatives?' Cooper
asked.
," `I have never refused to meet union representatives,' Rand
replied. `I have always believed in collective bargaining' .. .
"'I will meet this afternoon or tonight with the chosen repre-
sentatives of both groups.
Let the union send its own committee-
and the non-union members their own committee and I will talk
with both."' (Bd. Ex. 236j.)
Next day the paper contained the following :
D
"In a statement issued at the Tonawanda offices of the com-
pany and allegedly agreed to by leaders of non-strikers, Rand is
held justified in his threat to move the plant to Marietta .. .
"The company statement was issued after a three-hour con-
ference reportedly attended by strikers and representatives of
those not on strike .. .
"Approximately 400 non-union workers took the position that
the strike should be settled as a local matter.
They also agreed
that the company was justified in refusing to take back 17 work-
ers dismissed from the Syracuse plant.
"This, marked the first break between the non-union and union
strikers.
The non-union employes put forth demands of their
DECISIONS
AND ORDERS
675
own-that the company take some action in relation to group
life insurance and a profit sharing plan." - (Bd. Ex. 236m.)
Thus, while aides such as Borgoff were assisting Rand in the
rougher phases of the campaign to break the strike, other aides were
seeking the same end through the medium of manufactured propa-
ganda handed to the public in the form of news articles. Such
news articles certainly have two effects : People elsewhere would
argue : "If Tonawanda is settling, why not Middletown?
Why not
Syracuse?" and public opinion would bring pressure for local'set-
tlements in disregard of the legitimate union demands for unified
collective bargaining.
Also, the impression is created that there
was a large group of non-union members who are presenting de-
mands to the respondent, so that contrary to the actual facts the
employees would be conceived of as divided into two equally strong
groups and sympathy thus won for the spurious "back to work"
movements operated covertly by the respondent.
The respondent then introduced a new device in its attempt to
reopen the Tonawanda plant.
As at Ilion, the first step was the
creation of a "back to work" psychology. Threats were made to
move the plant to Marietta. Since the Ilion strike was crumbling
at this time, the respondent had two' employees of the Tonawanda
plant visit Ilion at its expense on June 11, survey the situation there,
and report back to the Tonawanda employees.
While the union
also sent a committee to Ilion when it heard of this move by the
respondent, the conflicting report rendered by the respondent's com-
mittee served to confuse the employees and make them uneasy.
A
large sign was posted at the Tonawanda plant reading, "Fourteen
hundred have returned to work in Ilion.
The strike is lost, and it is
all over.
Why make Tonawanda the goat." Bonuses were, offered
to employees for only entering the plant-$5 in cash the minute
they entered the gates and $15 if they'then walked into the plant.
All of the foremen visited the employees' homes, urging them to
return to work and offering the $5 and $15 bonuses. Deputies
mingled with the employees, grabbing them by the arms and say-
ing, "Come on, don't be a big fool; get in the plant and go to work.
The strike is over." ' In this fashion the respondent was able to
weaken the morale of the strikers.
Beset on every side by threats
of permanent loss of his job, bonuses to return to work, reports and
rumors that the strike has collapsed elsewhere, urgings of his fore-
man, an employee naturally finds it difficult to keep his balance.
With large numbers of the employees in such a state it is possible
by a single dramatic incident 'to' create a mass stampede back to
work.
This incident the respondent proceeded to supply.
5727-37-vol II-44
676
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
The toolmakers and machinists employed at the Tonawanda plant,
about 25 in number, constituted a skilled group of higher-paid em-
ployees.
They were thus a key unit in the plant and respected by
the other employees.
On June 13 Hart, the factory manager, gath-
ered 15 to 20 of these toolmakers in a saloon where the "drinks were
on Hart" and offered them a 10 per cent raise if they returned to
work in a group.
He succeeded in inducing them to return.
With
this accomplished, the respondent made its final plans.
On Mon-
day, June 15, with the employees crowding around the plant, the
toolmakers appeared at the plant in a body and stood apart from
the other workers.
The figures on the sign purporting to show the
number who had returned to work at Ilion had been changed from
1400 to 2000.
Cooper spoke to the toolmakers and said that they
were betraying their oath, that they themselves had voted for the
strike.
The toolmakers were uncertain, ashamed to enter the plant.
Then Hart appeared and said to them : "Now, listen here, fellows,
you know I have published in all the papers that you boys would
return to work Monday morning.
You are not going to make a
liar or a fool out of me.
Come on, what do you say? Let's go in."
Hart then placed himself at their head and marched into the yard.
The toolmakers followed him.
The crowd wavered, "became pan-
icky", then broke and many employees followed the toolmakers into
the plant.
As one union member testified : "for some reason or other
the general run of employees figured the machinists were far above
the average worker, and figured if they went in, it was time for
them to go in." The respondent was quick to utilize the momentum
thus initiated.
That same day individual telegrams were sent to
the employees, -reading as follows : 116
"Your job is waiting for you, but we' regret 'that it • will 'be
necessary to replace your services unless you report for work on
or before 8 A. M. Tuesday, June 16th, 1936. Our obligation to
our customers and our sales organization demand that-we resume
operations in full without further delay.
Regardless of all re-
ports to the contrary, our Ilion plants this morning, are operat-
ing one-hundred percent with more than two thousand employees
and have over six hundred applicants for jobs.
Marietta is also
working one-hundred percent and will be glad to have additional
work from Tonawanda. Don't continue to be misled by false
information.
We will pay $25,000 to any person or persons who
cs Cf. an advertisement with a similar purpose published on June 16:
"Over seventy-five percent of the former employes are now back at work
The po-
sitions of those who have not reported, are being filled rapidly, from the hundreds of
applications we have had from people who are not interested in a dead issue." (Bd.
Ea. 108.)
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
677
can prove that our Ilion and Marietta plants are not in full
operation.
Protect your job and seniority rights by reporting
immediately.
"F. W. HART,
"Manager"
(Bd. Ex. 80.)
- These measures had the calculated effect and the strike at Tona-
wanda was broken-in October there were only 150 employees still
on strike.
But the respondent did not stop at getting the employees
back to work. It sought also to cripple the union for the future by
discharging more of its active members.
A number of employees
who applied for work during these days were refused employment and
discharged because of their previous union activity.
Among these
were Alfred L. Kloss, the oldest in seniority in the shipping depart-
ment, who, when the ballot was taken on May 21, was the only one
in his department who inquired if the union had sanctioned it;
Ernest Quenneville, who held the office of guide in the union and was
also employed in the shipping department; 5' Joseph Dreyer, who
had informed Cooper of the balloting on May 21, Cooper being in
Hart's office at the time, and who had been said by the superintend-
ent on that same day to be "too active in the union" and "on the
spot"; 58 Viola Rose Demmin and Blanche Smith, who on June 16,
while on picket duty, had asked the plant manager if their jobs
were still open, were in reply informed that while he had made
"different arrangements" in their department he would call them in
two weeks or so, but who had not heard from him since that day. The
complaint will be dismissed,as to Daisy Johnson, Dolores Greene,
Freda' Ferris, and; Susan Ferris, all employed at' the Tonawanda
plant, no evidence having been presented as to their alleged dis-
charges.
C. Syracuse
The course of events at Syracuse from May 21 to May 26 has
already been described.
The respondent in this period had likewise
resorted to a mass discharge of union leaders. It is significant that
Rand had the list of leaders prepared. in New, York and not in
He was discharged on June 13 , the general foreman of the shipping department say-
ing : "We will send for you when we need you", when he returned to work with others
in his department.
5" The general foreman, Ryan , had said to Quenneville on June
, 15, "I will call you
when I need you", when the latter stated that he desired to return to work.
A rep-
resentative of a finance company, which had loaned money on his house saw Ryan on
Quenneville's
behalf to obtain his job for him.
However,
after the conference he
reported to Quenneville, "You might as well go and look for a different job because you
will never get back to Remington Rand. If you do, you won 't last."
He had been acting secretary of the union .
He had . returned to work on June 13,
but later in the day had been discharged..
678
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Syracuse, for their names were given by Rand to the Mayor and
by him transmitted to the factory manager at Syracuse.
The seven-
teen on the final list (Bd. Ex. 27) were: Clair Bellows, president of
the Federal Labor.Union and Joint Board Member for Syracuse;
Vernon Crofoot, president of Machinists Local No. 381 and president
of the Joint Board; Earl LaBranche and Kenneth C. Bunnell,
members of the shop committee of the Federal Labor Union; Wil-
liam Dunn, member. of the grievance committee of Machinists Local
No. 381; August Lingyak, member of a department grievance com-
mittee of the Federal Labor Union ; George Slade and Burton
Reyone, formerly members of the shop committee of the Federal
Labor Union ; George Bowen, member of a department grievance
committee of the Federal Labor Union, and formerly a trustee;
Eugene Palmeliter, member of the grievance committee of Machinists
Local No. 849, and on the Local Protective Board; Walter J. Boyle,
chairman of the ,finance conunittee of the Federal Labor Union
and a trustee; Albert Galipeau, member of the grievance committee
of the Federal Labor Union and a trustee; Alexander Smith, chair-
man of the tool room committee of Machinists Local No. 381 and
member of the Local Protective Board; Stephen Estey, President
of Machinists. Local No. 849; Peter Witcher., member of various
committees of the Federal Labor Union and vice-chairman of the
Local Protective Board; John Sickler,51 formerly president of Ma-
chinists Local No. 381, and Edward J. McCoy, member of Machinists
Local No. 381.11
The Syracuse plant, as a consequence of the events of May 21,
was closed when the strike was called on May 26. The unions on
that clay began to picket the plant.
As at Ilion, guards appeared
in the plant the same day.81
At the same time when Mayor Marvin
saw Rand in New York, the latter informed him that the plant
would reopen on May 28 and asked permission to have his guards
patrol the streets.
This permission was refused by the Mayor, who
stated that the Syracuse police -could handle the situation.
How-
ever, Rand had about 25 men employed by the Burns Detective
Agency, all armed with guns, patrolling the gates and grounds about
66 He was discharged on May 22 .
The superintendent of tools informed him that
the Company would not have a salaried foreman working as an employee who belonged
to a labor organization".
00 McCoy was a member of Machinists Local No. 381 and' known as such, but wsis not
active in the union.
While his presence on the list was probably due to misinformation
possessed by the respondent as to the extent of his activities , since the respondent dis-
charged him
, because of his union membership and supposed
union activity and to
discourage membership in the union , the discharge was in violation of Section 8.'sub-
division
( 3).
It is significant that when McCoy looked elsewhere for employment, his
application
was refused after the company to which he had applied had called the
respondent for information.
Others in this group were also refused
employment else,
where when
their former connection with the respondent became known. -
6' Later, some of these guards acted as escorts for employees who had returned 'to
work.
DECISIONS
AND ORDERS
679
the plant.82
The plant "opened" on May 28-but ' no one entered.
After this preliminary move, designed to test the strength of the
sentiment in favor of the strike at.Syracuse, the respondent set to
work in earnest.
Syracuse, a town of about 209,000 population, obviously presented
a situation different from that. confronting the respondent in the
much smaller localities of Ilion and Tonawanda.
Pressure could
be brought to bear with greater ease on the business elements and
municipal authorities in the latter places.
Likewise public sentiment
could be more readily aroused and guided in areas where the plant
was the focal point of the community's economic life.
The respond-
ent realized these difficulties and decided to surmount them by supple-
menting the measures adopted elsewhere with a =skillful publicity
campaign and more intensive "missionary" work.
The publicity
campaign will be described in some detail after a review of some of
the "behind the scene" measures utilized at Syracuse.
As at Tonawanda, the respondent's use of strikebreakers was hav-
ing the calculated effect of provoking trouble.
A large crowd, num-
bering in the thousands, which had gathered on June 9'when Syracuse
policemen escorted a group of strikebreakers from the factory, was
dispersed with tear gas by the police.
Bergoff described the incident
as follows, after stating that he knew the Tonawanda job would be
"no picnic":
"The same thing happened in Syracuse two days afterwards,
when Rand wanted, me to send some men in to the Syracuse
plant, which I did . . . About the ninth or tenth. I sent twenty-
five or thirty men in there when everything was O. K., but Lord
God, when they left the plant, we had the Syracuse police depart-
ment out and ten thousand people trying to murder them."
Rand was merely following a chartered course.
The very next day
either Rand or Harding called the Mayor, who was then attending a
convention at Cleveland, and asked that the militia be called out and
for large quantities of tear gas bombs.
But Mayor Marvin was not
proving as cooperative as the respondent desired.
He refused to act
on the respondent's request and we find Rand complaining to B,ergoff
that the Mayor would not provide the large' police protection' that
their manoeuvres demanded.83
Pressure was therefore brought to
bear upon the Mayor. Rand invited a group from the Syracuse
Chamber of Commerce to visit Ilion at the time that village had
barricaded itself from the outside world.
Once there, the group was
told to demand the same measures from Mayor Marvin. They did
02 This group was later increased to 50.
They remained until September 10
680n May 26, 85 members of the police force had been detailed to strike duty. This
detail was reduced at intervals and by November had fallen to eight.
680
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
so at once.
At meetings with the Mayor on June 11 and June 12, their
spokesman, the president and the secretary of the Chamber of Com-
merce, presented their demands: "A clearing house where an office
would be located, and . . . anybody that called up and said that they
wanted to gyo to work, . . . a car manned by policemen would go
... and take the people to work, . . . an edict that if anyone were
seen idling around or anywhere in the streets around the plants they
were to be picked up and taken in", the areas around the plant to
be roped off, "if anybody called the other fellow a scab . . . that was
to be grounds for grabbing him and throwing him in jail", refusing
to allow the striking employees to congregate on a lot that they had
leased opposite the plant. Summarizing the trip to Ilion, the spokes-
men stated that "they had been advised that the strike had been
broken at Ilion effectively, and that by reason of certain methods
having been employed, that it made it possible to accomplish it, that
Mr. Rand and Mr. Harding had invited a group to come down and
see with their own eyes, and that they had, pursuant to that sugges-
tion, gone to Ilion, spent a day or a half day, whatever it might have
been, looking the whole situation over, and studying it, the various
phases, the way it was handled at Ilion".
The Mayor put it more
briefly : "Both Mr. Rand and Mr. Harding had them worked up to a
pitch that they were very anxious to have them adopt the same
methods that had been employed at Ilion."
The Mayor refused
their demands.
The respondent did not cease its pressure.
A week later Harding
again called and protested that the police protection was insufficient.
Then, about July 24, a bomb exploded near the plant.
Harding, at
about 1 A. M., telephoned the Syracuse Post Standard and told the
editor to obtain a statement from the Mayor.
The editor sent out
two reporters who returned after ascertaining that the Mayor was
at Cazenovia, N. Y., that night, 20 miles away.
Then Harding called
the- editor again to ask, "Did you get the Mayor?" The editor
replied: "Why, no, he wasn't there (at the bomb scene), hasn't been
there."
Harding said : "That don't make any difference whether he
was there or not.
Get him out of bed and make him make a state-
ment."
Two or three days later, when he was informed of this, the
Mayor called Harding and told him "not to try to pull any more
funny work" on him. At the hearing the Mayor stated that he
believed "it was a deliberate attempt on Mr. Harding's part to have
a newspaper call me out of a sleep in the dead of the night and ex-
plain facts to me' in such a way that in the heat of the moment, I
would make some very positive statement".
Failing in the attempt
to obtain a statement from the Mayor, the respondent issued its own
release.
Although there was no evidence to connect the bomb with
the unions, Rand said :
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
681
"This latest outrage is the climax of a series of lawless acts
which have been inadequately punished, `or not punished at all.
Police and citizens alike will now realize that their lives and
their property are not safe until these roving bands of agitators
are punished for inciting mobs to violence and, as in this case, to
attempted murder.
,
,
"The series of assaults, riots and bombing has spread with the
movement from plant to plant-Middletown, Ilion, Syracuse,
Tonawanda, Norwood-of the paid agitators who seek to levy
tribute on our employees for the right to work.
The 10,000 em-
ployees in Remington-Rand factories will not be intimidated
by such tactics.
Every honest worker will rally to their support,
for this fight now involves the rights and liberties of every
American worker and every American citizen." (Bd. Ex. 235k.)
On August 22 there occurred at Syracuse another instance. of de-
liberate precipitation of violence by the respondent.
The number of
pickets had been limited to four under an injunction secured by the
respondent.
These four pickets were on duty outside the plant.
About 200 other persons, mainly union members, were on the streets
in the immediate neighborhood, but were not engaged in picketing.
As on other days in the past, at closing time, a group of nearly 500
persons came out of the plant and entered automobiles parked 'on- a
lot opposite the plant, the lot being owned by the respondent and
used as a parking lot.
These people were accompanied by about 10
Burns men, armed with revolvers.
The entire proceeding appeared
to be peaceful and the crowd in the street expected nothing more
than the customary driving away of the cars on the lot.
Suddenly,
one of the Burns men pounded with a stick on the sidewalk.
At that
signal the people jumped out of the cars and, armed with guns, clubs,
sticks, blackjacks, and other weapons, rushed to attack the group in
the streets.
A general fight then took place.
The police intervened
and arrested a number of persons-all of them members of the at-
tacked group of strikers.
They did force several of the attackers
back into the plant, but did not arrest them,"' though requested to
do so by the strikers.
Even after the melee had ended, the assistant
manager pointed out one of the strikers for arrest and the police
complied with his request.
Three days later Rand had occasion to
"One of the men was William Gleason , head of the Employes'
Independent Associa-
tion (see
infra).
Gleason and others had attacked
Kenneth Smith, a striker, and
beaten him into an unconscious state.
But it was Smith who was arrested by the
police.
The Captain asked if he was a striker and when he replied that he was, the
Captain said ,
"Lock him up",
and a second policeman added, "I ought to kill the
son-of-a-bitch right here." - Warrants for the arrest of the men who attacked Smith
were obtained later through the persistent efforts of Smith and the unions .
They were
released on bail and their cases never tried.
682
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
say the following in a telegram to the Mayor, which was made the
basis of a news article :
"We are further reinforced in this determination by the out-
rageous acts of violence repeatedly perpetrated by union men
and women in your city and even against your officers of the
law.
We are willing, however, to expand our operations in
Syracuse and to further increase employment if the union will
put an end to violence." (Resp. Ex. 12.)
The Mayor had this to say about the entire telegram :
"A. I think that is a little a-la-Mr. Harding, typical as to the
way he would frame a message ... ,
-
"Q. Is it your opinion this telegram was really not sent to
you, but a press release, and you, the medium of distribution?
Is that what you mean?
"A. Oh, I wouldn't be surprised at that."
While the respondent all through this period was thus endeavoring
by acts of violence committed or provoked by its agents to force the
city officials to, lend their, aid- to' break the strike by means, of the
intimidating presence of excessive'police and other measures, it-was
also conducting an intensive and personalized propaganda campaign.
Syracuse was the scene of widespread "missionary" activity.
Bergoff
sent 60 missionaries to Syracuse about May 30 to see Straub, the
factory.
manager.
The group had been, carefully selected-as
Bergoff testified, "A man should have a little more than ordinary
intelligence and a certain amount of diplomacy to go around and
visit people and in a gentlemanly or' lady-like manner try to induce
them to return to work. . You can't have gorillas or strong-arm
people to' go around doing missionary work." The selection did
not stop at the type of person chosen; there were about 20.women
in the group, since "women can talk to women better than men",
and a,number of people- of various nationalities-"take a German
who is out on strike, it would be pretty nice to have a man or woman
that could speak German to interview him; wouldn't it?"
Bergoff's
lieutenant in charge of these people, "a chap named Cohn under the
name of Hartley up there", secured a list of all of the employees of
the Syracuse plant. from Straub.
While this list was being ' pre-
pared, the missionaries were "getting acquainted with . . . whoever
they could" and "spreading propaganda, `You ought to go back to
work', `It is bad to be on strike."'
After, the list of employees was
secured it was divided among the missionaries.
Each missionary
was provided with a card which read, "Remington Rand. Typewriter
Company, Personnel Department", and contained'the missionary's
name, or the name he was using.°5 In addition, Straub said to them,
65 Bergoff stated : "Most of these people that take charge of jobs, in fact a number
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
683
`-`If anybody doubts your identity, tell them to 'call me up."
Straub
received about 300 telephone calls concerning these men and he re-
plied to each inquirer that they were bona fide representatives of the
respondent and "every thing is on the up and up".
The missionaries
then proceeded to visit the homes of about 2000 of the employees to
induce them to return to work.
Williams, one of the Syracuse
missionaries, testified as follows :
"Q. Did you have to pay more than one visit to some of their
homes ; was that necessary?
`A. Yes, if they wasn't home, we did.
'Q. Now, when you did make these calls, will you just tell
us what you did say to them,.Mr. Williams?
-
"A. I just introduced myself and I would say I represented-
you understand,. I worked at Syracuse twice.
The first' time I
worked for Mr. Bergoff and the next time I worked for Reming-
ton Rand direct ..'. Simply state the fact and say `I come around
to see how you feel about the strike situation.'66 . . . I would rely
on my own ingenuity, whatever course the conversation took, I
would try to follow it up, agreeably. If they were strong unioli,
I told them I could understand their point of view, there wasn't
any hard feelings on their part, I just wanted to come around
and talk to them about it .. .
"Q. Whom did you talk to?
"A. These men.
"Q. And their wives?
"A. If they seemed at all inquisitive, we did.
"Q. And did'you talk about going back to work?
' .
"A. We did play that angle up, naturally they, would ' want
him to go back to work, and we would play the woman up to
try to get the • woman to get the man to go back to work' .. .
''We would say `What has he got to gain?
He (Rand) is not
going to settle with the Union' . . . it is just'the idea of confusing
their logic, so to speak, that would be about all.
"Q. What do you mean, confusing their logic?
"A. Well, their logic of the whole thing was that the Union
was keeping them from getting-had kept them from having
their pay cut and so on, and we would try to confuse that by
showing them where they were losing all this time, and even if
they were to go back to work after losing two months work, they
would be still' out a lot of' money, no matter how much of a
raise they got.
Then, we would bring out the fact the heads of
of the . . . strikebreakers-they go under different names.
They don't want to have
their families, neighbors and everybody know what business they are in, and they take
different names as they go on jobs `... I,
myself, registered under the name of
Brady ..."
The missionaries stated that they were from the respondent 's Personnel Department.
684
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
the Union were in soft, had good jobs; so on, and try to break
down the general Union morale . . . We explained to them the
heads of this Union were simply padding their own-building
up their own prestige at the expense of these people being out of
work and the Union hadn't done anything for them, only just
took their money for dues, • hadn't got them anything, only lost
them a lot of work ...
"Q. What instructions did you have in regard to whispering
campaigns ?
"A. Well, it wasn't called a whispering campaign., .' , it is
propaganda.
"Q. Propaganda, you call it?
"A. Yes, any kind of humor that you can get started that
will help the thing a little is all right ... It depends on the
turn • the 'conversation takes.
If it looks like a weakling, that
will go for a line like that, why give it to.him .: .
"Q. Was there any of this propaganda in connection with the
threat to move the plant?
"A. Yes, sir
-. we were just told if they didn't go back to
work they were going to move the plant, and tell them that, and
the fact that they had already, moved part of it, tell them
that ...
. , .
"Q. What would you say in regard to your approach after
they told you they intended to stick along with the Union.
Did
you say anything?
"A. I would' tell them the futility of it and explain' to them
Mr. Rand said he was not going to settle with the Union.
Quite
a number of times I told them about the Wagner Law, and that
I thought they should go back to. -work and try to take it up in
Court, nothing could be gained by,losing time .... they-had no
,chance with Rand; the Union wasn't going back in there; if they
wanted their job, to get down to that plant and go to work; if
they didn't they would be without a job.
"Q. In that part of your- conversation,- what did you tell them
about the" futility of staying out?
"A. Well, Mr. Straub told us in a group before that Union
would come back into that plant again he would resign.
"Q. Now, was it also necessary for you to go back again to
some of these people?
"A. Oh, some of them I was back to a, half a dozen times. If
I thought there was any chance at all I kept going back.
"Q. How many did you call on_ on an average on a day?
"A. I Imagine .15 or, 20. ,
"Q. How long did you stay at that type of work?
,
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
685
"A. Sometimes we would only be a minute. If I would see
they were not Union , there was nothing to it, I would say `So
long' and go on.
Other times I might spend an hour .. .
"Q. Now, you stated you were instructed to explain the indus-
trial situation to the employees there.
What was the indus-
trial situation?
"A. Now, if I testified I was instructed to explain the indus-
trial situation, I was wrong.
"Q. What was the truth of the matter?
"A. I would go into that.
If you get an intelligent man that
could understand it, we would go into that end of it . . . I
would say `What are you gaining this way?
You know Rand is
not going to give in to you .
You will go broke before he does.
Why don't you go back and get yourself a place to eat and sleep.
You will have a winter on your hands'.
"Q. Did you believe what you said?
"A. I didn't believe it." 67
These missionaries were paid $10 a day; Cohn-Hartley received
$30.
At one time there were as many as 75 or 80 .
They .remained
until June 11. In the first week of July missionary work was re-
sumed at Syracuse .
Six missionaries recommended by Bergoff were
placed on the respondent's payroll and paid directly by it at the
rate of $15 a day. Four of these missionaries worked for 10 days,
the remaining two for 30 days. The respondent was particularly
interested in inducing the aligners , a specialized group, to return
to the plant and instructed the six missionaries to "get two or three
fellows to come back and get them assembled to walk in together".
Each of the missionaries was given a letter of introduction on
stationary of the respondent :
"REMINGTON RAND INC.,
"114 Gifford Street,
"Syracuse, N. Y., July 7, 1936.
"To Remington Rand Employees in Syracuse :
"This is to advise you that when the bearer, Mr. N. F. Wil-
liams, calls on you, he is sent by me to tell you what the situation
is, here in respect to your job, and to offer you full protection
if you care to return.
"You can return with assurance that Remington Rand will not
make any settlement with the union.
"Yours very truly,
"J. E. STRAUB,
"General Superintendent."
(Bd. Ex. 205.)
67 The sequence of Williams ' testimony has been rearranged .and some of the questions
omitted to present a connected narrative.
686
NATIONAL LABOR -RELATIONS BOARD
Each evening the missionaries would meet with Harding and Straub
in the former's hotel room and discuss their progress.
The respondent's foremen also "heard the call" and became mis-
sionaries during this period.
Their modus operandi centered on the
employee's job-if he did not return now his place would be filled
by another.
For example, foreman Ross told strikers Lanphear and
DeMarko that the strike was lost and they might as well go back
to work or their job would be taken in two or three days;- straw
boss Barr told striker Coughlin, "If you don't come back, your job
will be filled;" inspector Moore told striker Duby that his name
was not on the list of those that "could not come back" again, but
that if he did not return at once, he "would be out of a job". Straub
in the injunction proceedings brought by the respondent testified
as follows : 88
"Q. Did you send out your foremen to contact the employees?
"A. Yes.
"Q. In an effort to settle this dispute and get them back to
work?
"A. We sent out the foremen to contact the various employees.
"Q. Did they do it and give a report to you?
"A. They did." B9
-
An effort was also made to persuade many of the strikers to leave
Syracuse and work for the Elmira Precision Tool Qompany at
Elmira.
A "Mr. Edwards" visited the homes of strikers Millis, Find-
ley, and Braumgard, stated that "he was hired by Remington Rand
to come from New York and contact people to go to work" and at-
tempted to induce them to move to Elmira.
He was authorized to
move them free of charge and to offer them an increase of $6 a week.
Another agency joined with the respondent in performing "mis-
sionary" work, but its touch was more subtle. In the middle of July
and again in September the wives of the striking employees received
a letter from Cathrine Curtis, National Director of Women Investors
In America, Inc. Portions of this first letter read as follows:
"This is the first time in history that a woman's organization
has attempted to take` a- poll and obtain the view of strikers'
wives or employees' wives, who, we feel, have a greater stake
in their husbands' jobs than is generally' realized.
"Whether we are PROPERTY HOLDERS, JOB HOLDERS
OR HUSBAND HOLDERS we are ALL Investors IN America
and our organization is working for the interests and welfare
of the women of the country.
88 By stipulation a portion of his testimony in the injunction proceedings was read
into the record
°B There, also was an attempt to talk' to, the aligners separately.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
687
"As women make at least 85% of the family purchases they
are vitally concerned with any activity which interrupts the
regular receipts of the weekly payroll.
They therefore realize
that labor problems and resultant strikes, whether legitimate or
instigated by minorities, are becoming a serious menace to the
'welfare of the country and the well-being of the family unit.
"We are asking you to cooperate with us by answering the
questions listed on the enclosed polling blank and return to our
national headquarters in the envelope provided." (Bd. Ex.
113a.)
-
The second letter was of the "follow-up" variety and enclosed the
same questionnaire .
(Bd. Ex. 112a.)
Full credit to that question-
naire can be given only through complete quotation; at the very least
the care and skill that must have been given to its preparation de-
serve such recognition :
"POLL OF EMPLOYEES WIVES
"As one woman to another, we would like to, know your opin-
ion on the following, subects :
"1. Do WIVES WANT STRIKES ?______________________________
"2. Did your husband strike or stop work because he wanted
to, or because he was forced to by others?____________________
-----------------------------------------------------------
"3. How long had he worked in this plant? ________-___
"4. Were the working conditions and pay as good as in any
similar factory?________________
"5. Are strikes instigated by permanent employees ? ---------
By outside agitators ?____
"6. Do strikes encourage drunkenness?_________ __________
"7.'Do strikes endanger family life?_______________________
Health ?
"8. What effect do strikes have on children?___-,------------
---------------- -------------------------------------------
"9. Have you or your husband experienced any threat, vio-
lence or fear of violence or intimidation?_____________________
"10. Did your husband want to join the Union? _-_____-___
Or was'he forced to?_____________
"11. Do you favor his payment of monthly dues to it? -------
"12. What do you suggest would improve the cooperative rela-'
tions or understanding between employers' and employees ? _ _ _ _ _
--------------------------------------------------
"Additional, Remarks:---------------------
------------------------------------
-----------------------
"We desire only to have you express your honest opinion.
This is a secret poll and it is not necessary for you to give your
688
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS, BOARD
name unless you want to. Please answer all questions and return
in the enclosed prepaid envelope.
"CATHRINE CURTIS,
National Director,
WOMEN INVESTORS
IN AMERICA, INC.
535 Fifth Ave., New York, N. Y."
The respondent, in engaging in these practices, was careful to
keep its participation hidden from the public eye.
The ordinary
citizen, not acquainted with the strikebreaking tactics of employers,
knew nothing of the sordid measures being utilized to defeat the
strike.
But the 'respondent was not content with merely maintain-
ing a public opinion based on such a negative attitude. It sought
throughout the strike affirmatively to mould that opinion against
the unions.
On May 25-before the strike-a full page advertise-
ment directed "To The Community of Syracuse" appeared in the
Syracuse Herald.
The advertisement bore the notation, "Executive
Offices, New York." It attempted to prove that the respondent had
been more than fair to' its employees and that any strike agitation
was unwarranted.
Several examples of the respondent's "fairness"
may be illuminating :
"employees of Remington Rand's other plants have been told by
outside agitators that the company has refused to meet with their
representatives; that Mr. Anderson came to the Syracuse con-
ference with , no credentials and no authority to act for the
company.
"The facts are that Mr. Anderson presented the following
authorization :
"'This is to authorize you to represent Remington Rand at
the meeting of the shop committee to be held at the Onondaga
Hotel, and you have full power to act for the company.
"(Signed)
J. H. RAND, Jr.
"'R. E. BENNER.'
"From the foregoing it should be evident that the company has
not refused to confer with employes' representatives, thxough a
fully authorized executive officer of the corporation."
It is "evident" only if one is not acquainted with Mr. Anderson's de-
nials of authority at that conference with respect to the all-important
Elmira question.
Again :
"Such was the situation when Remington Rand received written
notification from an officer of the union that `90 percent of the
organized employes' of the company had voted to strike, if neces-
sary, to force the- company into another conference.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
689
"Remington Rand management felt that the union repre-
sentatives were given fair, straightforward answers to their de-
mands at the conference in Syracuse, April 24-25, and that re-
discussion of the same questions could :serve no good purpose.
The percentage of employes who favor the strike agitation was
so small that the union representatives who were demanding a
rehearing could not fairly represent them, and therefore should
not attempt to voice the views of the great majority."
The advertisement then speaks of the respondent's ballot and
continues :
"In every case, excepting in Syracuse-where the union publicly
declares that it interfered and prevented the vote being completed,
the number voting to support a strike was insignificant. In Ilion
only 4 per cent of the total number of employees voted for a
strike.
In Norwood (Cincinnati) only 3 per cent. In Tona-
wanda 1 per cent. In Middletown, Conn., only 10.7 per cent of
the employees said they would favor a strike."
We have already adverted to the use of the percentage device.
And
finally, a blunt threat to the citizens of Syracuse :
"The company is interested, vitally interested, in the communi-
ties of which it is a part. It will leave a community only if
conditions there make it impossble to operate efficiently and with
a reasonable profit.
"When employees are intimidated and their rights are involved,
industry has no choice but to dismiss those who interfered-
whoever they may be-or pack up and go elsewhere.
"In this case, the decision rests with the people of Syracuse." 70
(Bd. Ex. 97.)
A similar threat was made on May 30 in an advertisement, in the
Syracuse Post Standard :
"The strike ends all hope of keeping a part of the plant at
Syracuse-one of the demands of the strikers. It might have
been done if `The City got rid of sixteen radicals who were mak-
ing all this trouble.'
The strikers demanded that sixteen em-
ployees who were discharged for alleged intimidation be rein-
stated, and walked out when this was not done.
"The factory, it is definitely decided now, will be consolidated
with the Ilion, N. Y. plant." (Bd. Ex. 98.)
Possibly the respondent had overlooked momentarily the large "For
Sale" sign then exhibited on its Ilion, N. Y., plant.
70 Emphasis made in the advertisement indicated by italics.
690
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
The respondent had announced a reopening on May,28, but no one
had entered., So, on June 7,; an advertisement in the Syracuse
American and 'the -other two Syracuse papers announced. another re-
opening in these words :
"This plant-will re-open on Monday, June 8, 1936. Since the
plaiit was -closed; machinery has been removed, so that now we
- 'have positi¢ns open for only 800 workers instead of the 1800
workers formerly employed.
"Owing to the distress and lack of funds on the part of loyal
workers who have been out of work through no fault of their
own, the Company has decided to pay $15.00 in cash to each and
every worker accepted for re-employment Monday, in addition to
.,,next week's regular wages."
In Ilion and Tonawanda the $15 was simply called a "bonus" for
returning to work.
_
"The Company will exert every effort to find 'employment for
those employees-Tor whom it cannot provide employment in
Syracuse and moving expenses will be paid by the Company for
such workers as are approved by the Syracuse Plant superin-
tendent, so .that no loyal worker need go without employment
because of changes in the Syracuse plant." (Bd. Ex. 99.)
A, similar note in regard to bonus arrangements is contained in an
advertisement of June 16 in the Syracuse Herald, headed, "Relief for
Remington Rand Employees", and stating that :
"Owing to, the many distressing` cases of' need created by this
unnecessary strike'. .. and'desiring to fulfill its obligations to
loyal workers pending their transfer to other locations .. .
Remington Rand's Syracuse plant office . . . will arrange, by
personal conference, to extend immediate assistance to former
workers now in financial straits . . ., EXCEPTING the seventeen
who were discharged ..." (Bd. Ex. 103.)
-
The hypocritical nature of these advertisements is evident when they
are placed alongside of a news article of August 25, stating : .
"Despite the fact that it is now three months since the start of
-Tabor trouble at the Remington-Rand plant and that about 1,000
employees have been without work since, less than a dozen have
applied to the city for relief, according to Welfare Commissioner
Leon H. Abbott." (Resp. Ex. 12.)
On June 17 there appeared,an advertisement in the Syracuse Her-
ald which indicated that in Syracuse also the respondent had an alter
ego.
In this advertisement the "Employes' Independent Association"
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
691
announced that it had opened headquarters and urged employees to
return.
This advertisement stated that :
"The company must build typewriters, and if it cannot get the
help in Syracuse, it must close the Syracuse plant and build the
typewriter's elsewhere.
This the company had definitely decided
to do within the next few days unless enough. help returns to
work to operate the plant .. .
"Call any of the numbers listed below (there were three tele-
phone numbers listed).
Give us your name, address, and clock
number.
Do this at once.
Are you with us to save this plant
for Syracuse?
"By tomorrow (Thursday) morning we'll have enough names
to convince the management that we mean business.
Then we
will call you to a meeting where we can have the protection the
law guarantees us.
-
"At that meeting we will complete our plans and go straight
to work in a body.
"Save our Plant ! Save our jobs! Get on the band-wagon
and let's go!771
(Bd. Ex. 101.) -
An Association-an appeal to return to work at once to save the
plant-the use of telephone numbers to prevent open disclosure of
the number that desire to return to work-a meeting -police protec-
tion-the final marching into the plant in a body-all form a pattern
identical with that of the Ilion Typewriter Employes Protective
Association.
On July 1, Harding addressed the "Citizens of Syracuse, Fellow
Workers of Remington Rand" on the radio and the respondent
printed, his talk in a full page advertisement on July 2. Straub
spoke on July 5 and Harding again on July 6, both faiks also being
printed in advertisements. In these talks the cause of the strike was
stated to -be the discharge of the 17 union members and a falsified
account of their discharge was presented to the public.
As in thg
past the Anderson conference was exhibited to prove that "Mr. Rand
has never denied" the right of collective bargaining.
After it is
stated that "definite asstirances" had been given the onions on the
subject of the Elmira' plaiit, we find that issue still being treated in
an evasive fashion :
"Question. Who is going, to make,the typewriters at Elmira,
Remington Rand or Elmira Precision Tool Company? And why
was the building in Elmira labeled-,'Future Home of Remington
Rand' ? .
71 Emphasis made in the advertising indicated by italics.
5727-37-vol. ii-45
692
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"Answer. That label exists in the imagination of strike agi-
tators only.
Any manufacturing in Elmira will be by•the Elmira
Precision Tool Company."
The consignment of shipments of machinery and tools from the Ilion
and Middletown plants of Remington Rand during this period to the
Elmira Precision Tool Company was not mentioned.
But on one
point the respondent spoke out boldly and with conviction :
."Any statement that any conference has been arranged, or is
contemplated, or will be entered into by Remington Rand to
make any settlement with striking unions is ABSOLUTELY FALSE.
"The Management of Remington Rand again states emphat-
ically that under no circumstances will it make an agreement,
either written or oral, with the Union that called the strike, or
with any other Union dominated by the American Federation of
. Labor, or by any other outside professional agitators."
However, lest the public receive a false impression of Mr. Rand, it
was told in the same talk that "The right to collective bargaining
has not been denied by Remington Rand and will not be denied".72
(Bd. Exs. 104, 105.)
On July 5, Mrs. Marcia Daz, who said she had been employed for
six years in the plant, made a radio address on "Why I Went Back
to Work."
Her talk was reprinted, along with Straub's and Hard-
ing's, in an advertisement entitled, "Shall A Mother's Right to Earn
A Living For Her Children Be Denied?" (Bd. Ex. 105.)
A care-
fully worded appeal to return to work, her talk was in much the
same vein as those of the respondent's officials.
This same Marcia
Daz personally visited the homes of a number of persons to induce
them to return. She was also instrumental in the arrest of two strik-
ing employees for "waving rubber rats at her and calling her
names ".73 (Bd. Exs. 140j, 236ccc.)
On all the evidence, there can
be little doubt that she was merely a part of the respondent's pub-
licity campaign.
Harding, in his July 2 speech, announced the following reward :
"Remington Rand will pay a reward of $500 to anyone who
furnishes information resulting in arrest and conviction for
threatening and intimidating or committing any act of violence
against the person or property 'of any employee of Remington
Rand in Syracuse." (Bd. Ex. 104.)
42A copy of this talk was distributed `to the pickets.
zs For this offense, the two employees were each fined $30 or 30 days in jail.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
693
This reward was also carried on a large sign on the respondent's
plant.
The respondent's missionaries used this reward as a tai' i!.,,
point.
Williams testified :
"Mr. Rand offered a reward of $500 to any employee bothered
by anybody, attacked by any one or intimidated, so we took this
up as a means of protection.
We would say, `Here you ate, if
you are imposed upon by anybody at all, you have $500', and
they had already paid a couple, so that was pretty good pro-
tection."
All of these devices-missionaries, advertisements, releases, radio
talks, rewards-made up the publicity campaign at Syracuse.
Mayor
Marvin's testimony in regard to this campaign is revealing :
"Q. Did you ever have any conversations with the, city desk
of the local newspapers as to releases?
"A. Yes.
"Q. Were any of these conversations about releases inserted
by the company?
"A. Yes.
"Q. What was said and when? ...
"A. Oh, around in August . . . The newspapermen told me
that they thought that they had tried to be extremely fair in
handling the news releases, and in view of some of the happen-
ings that had occurred on Mr. Harding's part, that they would
have to be a little more careful to print the news in a fair un-
biased way to all parties concerned.
"Q. Were they more specific than that?
"A. I don't think so, but I got their meaning .. .
"Q. Well, what had you observed that made it possible to
gather their meaning?
"A. That the advertisements were so written and the state-
ments issued by the company were so prepared so that to the
reading public both sides to the argument might not fairly be
presented; that it was a product of a skillful paid publicity man,
all of which I concur in and have no objection to Mr. Harding
serving Mr. Rand. That is what he was paid for, but neverthe-
less he did such a good job in that respect the public could have
been influenced."
Syracuse was one of the strongest points in the Joint Board organ-
ization.
Nevertheless, it is still surprising in view of all of these
measures that by November less than 200 had returned out of the
1450 who' went on strike in, May.
The' respondent had to resort to
hiring new employees to keep the plant open and by November-there
694
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
were about 650 employees at work, including the clerical force.
Con-
sequently, at the time of the hearings in this case in November, 1936,
there were about 1200 union members still on strike in Syracuse.
D. Middletown
The Middletown scene is probably the most interesting of those
involved in this proceeding. While the techniques presented are no
different from those we have already described, their manipulation
by the respondent is so apparent and well-defined that we obtain a
deeper insight into the mechanics of strikebreaking. In addition,
the record contains complete newspaper reports for the period in-
volved, so that we are able by a comparison of these reports with
the activities of the respondent as revealed by the testimony and
exhibits to realize fully how public opinion may be fashioned to
serve certain ends.
The importance of this aspect of the case can
_1hardly be under-emphasized, for under present conditions the role
hayed by public opinion in disputes of this nature is probably
paramount.
When a large strike occurs in an important industry
-or affects a well known company, it is at once an important news
story.
Where many separate "units are involved, as here, the press
associations gather the stories from each and present them all to the
newspaper editor in each locality.
He in turn groups them together
for his reading public, so that the reader finds on one page not only
articles concerning the Remington Rand plant in Middletown but
all other Remington Rand plants-Ilion, Tonawanda, Syracuse, Nor-
wood.
The grouping does not stop there-the word "strike" may
serve to tie in stories of other strike-affected plants or industries,
for people and events that can be ,related to the strike gather greater
significance if presented in the light of that relation.
To all of this
the reading public reacts and that reaction in large measure may
determine the outcome of the'strike. If the community believes it
is 'threatened with monetary loss through removal of a strike bound
plant, it may, in the name of self defense, sanction a' campaign of
ruthlessness, by the employer and public authorities. If the cause
o'f the strikers is adequately and fairly presented and the employer
cannot so readily go 'elsewhere, the community may demand that he
deal with them on a civilized basis and 'that the public authorities
be neutral. If violence occurs,. even though it is not traceable to
the strikers, a public opinion that fancies itself outraged may in the
11ame 'of "law 1 and order" countenance - activities, that,` in' their' sup-
'Oession of personal'and group -rights and freedom, far outweigh
the original violence.
But it :must- be: remembered that this `public
'opinion -is of necessity formed second' hand from n6irspapers.' And
in turn those newspapers must look to the sources of their news
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
695
articles-the employer, the union, and the events themselves.
Either
of the first two, if intelligently guided, will appreciate the impor-
tance of a favorable public reaction, and consequently the truth of
their releases will vary directly with the scruples of their con-
sciences.
Nor can the events themselves be trusted to convey the
candor of objectivity, for events may be staged and planned to
achieve calculated effects.
The responsibility of the newspaper edi-
tor and his staff to the public is thus evident.
To the extent that
this responsibility is accepted and respected, there will in similar
measure be a sane consideration of the issues involved in a strike,,
The respondent's activities at Middletown fall into three distinct
phases: the first, an attempt on the part of the respondent,,to
achieve its ends by threatening the community with removal of the
plant; the second, a frank abandonment of such threats and an of
fort to reopen the plant by a respondent-created "back to worl!l
movement; the third, the introduction of violence and the reopening
of the plant by a combination of strikebreakers and state police.
Concurrent with all three phases was an unscrupulous publicity
campaign designed to turn public opinion against the strikers.
We
turn to the first phase.
On May 23, Rand telephoned Mayor Santangelo "that there was
going to be a strike in his plant in Middletown and wanting to know
if they would get protection":
The Mayor replied: "Of course, we
always protect our factories."
On that same day a two page adver-
tisement appeared in the Middletown Press addressed to "The Com-
munity of Middletown".74 It referred to the cost of the 1934 strike,
the $2,000,000 annual payroll of the Middletown plant, dragged out
the Anderson telegram of April 24 to show that the respondent had
bargained with its employees, and mentioned the strike vote of the
unions and the respondent.
Then came these significant paragraphs :
"DOES -MIDDLETOWN WANT THIS INDUSTRY
"Industry cannot live in a community where it cannot operate
at a profit.
If Middletown employees can be protected in their
desire to work, and if they are willing to work to bring produc-
tion up to a maximum, Remington Rand will route orders to
Middletown.
"If employees will not cooperate , orders will have to be
routed elsewhere, and in the end , if Remington Rand cannot,get
production in Middletown , under fair wages and working con-
ditions, and at reasonable cost, it will have to move-but much
against its wishes.
74 Full page advertisements were rare occurrences in the Middletown Press.
696
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"The Company will, in fulfillment of its moral obligation to
loyal employees, take steps necessary to protect everybody within
its plant in their right to work.
"It is gratifying to know that Middletown, through its mayor
and other officials, has signified the determination of the com-
munity to see that all who wish to work are protected.
" REMINGTON-RAND, INC.,
"Executive O fce,
"New York, May 23, 1936."
This advertisement is nearly identical in tone and wording with an
advertisement, already discussed, that appeared two days later in
Syracuse.
(Bd. Ex. 97.) In addition, under the heading, "REM-
INGTON-RAND ANSWERS UNION REQUEST FOR ANOTHER CONFERENCE", the
advertisement contained a reprint of a telegram addressed to the
Middletown Central Labor Union, stating the following in part:
"But the percentage of our people who favor the present
agitation for a strike is so small that the Union representatives
for whom you ask another hearing cannot fairly represent and
therefore should not undertake to voice the views of a large
majority of our Middletown people.
"They might represent the wishes of 90% of those who are
paying union dues but that is only a small minority of the total
number on the present large payroll, a large majority of whom
deplore further useless strife to secure an objective which so far
has never been clearly stated ...
"I can see no possible good to result therefrom, particularly
after the failure of the recent two day conference with an officer
of our company in Syracuse.
"(Signed)
J. `H. RAND, JR. PRES."
(Bd. Ex. 222a, b.)
Thus, before the strike, Rand was already attempting to win public
opinion to his side. It must not be forgotten, in a study of these
quotations, that the Middletown unions had over 1,000 members out
of 1,200 eligible production and maintenance employees.
On May 25, after the strike action was announced, the union lead-
ers in Middletown informed the Mayor and the Chief of Police of
that decision, so that the strike and a large picket line would not
come as a surprise to them.
The next day, May 26, all of the plant's
1,200 production employees went on strike and picketing commenced
with an entire absence of disorder.
Only 125 employees-office help
and foremen-entered the plant.
The Middletown Press 75 reported
that "only the office staff and foremen, and a few workers were at
7 Newspaper references are to the Middletown Press unless another source is indicated.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
697
their tasks today, *...
There was no disorder". (Bd. Ex. 236b.)
Rand was quoted as saying that "only 10 per cent of his operatives
favored the strike and that he expected all plants would resume
operations within a week." (Bd. Ex. 236b.)
The next day was
likewise quiet, but, as elsewhere, it brought the introduction of armed
guards inside the plant.
These guards, about 15 in number, had
been recruited in New York City and consisted in the main of per-
sons who made such work their profession. Their pay was $12 a
day and they remained for about two months. The respondent
armed some of them with riot guns.76, The only local news in the
next few days was the announcement of an investigation by the
Connecticut Board of Mediation ' and Arbitration; the remaining
strike news consisted of reports from Syracuse and Tonawanda.
The calm was shattered on May 31 when the respondent ordered
the plant closed.and the machinery made ready for shipment.
To
complete the picture, the respondent covered the windows with tar-
paper and placed the property in the hands of the Mayor for sale.
The Mayor immediately responded to this action by inviting the
respondent and the union officials to a conference.
The newspaper
stated editorially :
"None is blind to the fact that the removal of the plant would
work serious loss upon employes, upon every business house and
indirectly upon most of the residents.
To that extent the city
and county feel vitally concerned and it was with this thought
in mind that Mayor Leo B. Santangelo yesterday afternoon
determined to make an attempt to bring together the parties at
issue in an effort to find some grounds upon which an agreement
might ultimately be reached." (Bd. Ex. 236h.)
The respondent's reply on June 2, which combined both a threat
to the community and the utilization of the answer as a medium of
obtaining favorable publicity, speaks for itself.
The following tele-
gram was sent to the Mayor and published in the paper :
"Mayor Leo B. Santangelo
"Parties you refer to have met around the table for two days
and the company has learned that organized minority are at-
tempting to terrorize unorganized majority into following dic-
tation of a few radicals Stop
We have always had the latch-
string open to discuss matters with our own employees who are
in good standing but we will not discuss matters with discharged
employees nor with rank outsiders presuming to represent our
employees
Stop
Because you have failed to give protection to
76 Later, in June or July, five additional guards were supplied by the Burns Detective
Agency.
698
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
honest workers willing and anxious to go back to work and
have allowed radicals to coerce and intimidate them in violation
of law the company has decided that Middletown is not a suit-
able community in which to carry on operations and therefore
have issued instructions to close Middletown plant permanently.
"Earl Harding, Assistant to President Remington Rand, Inc."
(Bd. Ex. 236i.)
But while the respondent was unwilling to meet with the Mayor
and the union leaders, it was endeavoring to continue the chosen line
of attack-pressure on civil authorities-by meeting alone with the
Mayor and other citizens.
On June 3, Carlos Ellis, a local attorney;
called on the Mayor and stated that he had sufficient influence to
arrange a meeting with Rand if the Mayor desired it. The Mayor
was anxious to meet with Rand and appointed a committee of local
leaders, later increased and known as the; Citizens Committee, to
accompany him. The original group included three business leaders--!L--
a banker, the president of Wesleyan University, and Ellis.
How-
land, the Middletown factory manager, arranged the appointment
for June 4 in New York.
When the Committee met Rand on that
day they told Rand that the city resented the tone of his telegrams
to the Mayor. Rand's reply is astonishing for its frankness : "Well,
don't feel too bad about that, because that is what we have to do in
order to make the merchants and citizens of Middletown realize the
kind of factory they have got there, and the payroll we leave, and
therefore we wanted to give you the story. I sent you that telegram
so as to get you started in the proper direction."
As the Mayor
said, "he thought we ought to be on the alert and do something."
But Rand then made it clear that he still would move' the plant if
he did not obtain proper police protection.
He also reiterated his
refusal to meet with the union leaders. In. the middle of this con-
ference four or five employees of the plant joined the group.
Rand
asked them to "tell the story of conditions in the factory for the
past two years", and each spoke his piece,`all to the effect that con-
ditions were intolerable because of the presence of the unions.
The
parallel to Ilion is unmistakable.
Once more the leaders in the com-
munity and a group of employees controlled by Rand are brought
together so that the leaders will in the future work with such em-
ployees and not with the union representatives who are described as
merely a radical minority.
The Mayor and the Citizens Committee, now composed of 17
members and including the editor of the local paper, met among
themselves and with the Middletown union leaders to discuss the
situation but accomplished nothing. In the meantime Ellis was ac-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
699
tive.
About June 9 lie met with the Mayor, Anderson, head of the
Local Protective Board, Shea, president of the State Federation of
Labor, and Hubner, business agent of the Middletown Central Labor
Union.
At the meeting Ellis advanced the proposal that, as Shea
testified, "the Mayor should make some kind of a proposition, that
he, was interested in maintaining the plant in Middletown and so
forth and that the plant should be reopened, and that Mr. Anderson's
part of it was that he should announce that he was interested in
just the Middletown union and not the others out of state, and he was
urging the people to go back to work. I presume I was to also come
in on the same line with Mr. Anderson, and in return Mr. Ellis said
Mr. Anderson and myself probably had ambitions political, one thing
and another, and we certainly would be helping ourselves to agree-
ing to this proposition, and also that the Mayor who would probably
be on the state ticket would also help himself."
The Mayor asked
Ellis "if he was working for Rand." Ellis answered, "no." The
Mayor then asked : "How is it you are so sure Mr. Rand will accept
the proposition?"
Ellis replied : "Through some friends in New York
I am pretty sure I can get him to accept." Anderson's comment on
this meeting was as follows :
"Well, it was very evident to us that we were to get our people
back to work between us, and if we would agree to do that, we
would be taken care of some how or other.
We have always
mentioned it as practically being a bribe to us, to do something,
to bring our people back to work, ..."
Ellis' conduct was arousing suspicions.
A little later, at a meeting
,of the Citizens Committee, he was asked point-blank if lie repre-
sented the respondent.
He answered that "he did not represent
Remington Rand, he was not a representative of theirs whatsoever."
Despite that denial, later events were to prove the soundness of their
suspicions.
In the meantime all was quiet at the plant. On June 13 the news-
paper reported that "strike conditions remain unchanged." (Bd.
Ex. 236o.)
There had been no disorder in the three weeks' period.
Machinery was still being moved from the plant. But it was evident
that the respondent's threats had not achieved the desired result.
On June 16 Simson met with the Citizens Committee. To date
it had not proved to be as pliable as Barney Allen and his )Ilion
associates.
Simson stated to the members that he had been sent
there to expedite dismantling of the plant.
The Committee told
him of the unfortunate situation that had arisen as a result of the
telegrams sent by Rand to the Mayor and that these telegrams were
700
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
keenly resented by the Committee.
Smith, editor of the Middletown
Press, testified as to Simson's reply :
"Mr. Simson outlined the fact that with the direction of the
company removed quite a distance, it was quite evident that
the temper of Middletown had not been correctly diagnosed and
instead of having the effect of throwing a scare into the city it
had stiffened the city's back in opposition to Mr. Rand and he
deplored the situation and asked the indulgence of the com-
mittee and city, and said he would see Mr. Rand and set his
mind at rest as to the attitude of the city wanting the
factory .. .
"Mr. Simson was very largely instrumental in indicating to
us that that attitude on the part of Mr. Rand was a part of the
campaign . . . They evidently had a formula for breaking this
strike and that was part of it; they wanted to frighten the
city through the removal of the plant. Instead of frightening
the city it rather angered the city that he should say those things
about it."
After that conference the respondent made a complete about-face
and its campaign to break the strike entered the second phase.
On
June 17 the newspaper • carried the headline, " REMRAND WORKERS
WOULD END STRIKE-ORGANIZING TO RESUME WORK HERE", over an
article announcing the formation of the "Remrand• Employees Back-
to-Work Association". (Bd. Ex. 236q.)
An advertisement of the
same date by the Association read in part as follows :
"Because of the large number of employees who have signified
their desire to join the association and the back-to-work move-
ment, the Association has opened an- office at The Middletown
Savings Bank Building, Room 412, entrance 164 Court Street,
for the convenience of those desiring to join.
"As the association must act quickly in making its demands
upon the company before too much equipment has been removed
from the plant, we are requesting all employees of Remington-
Rand, Inc., desiring to join this movement and association to call
at said office personally and sign the application for membership
or to call by telephone, numbers 2261 and 2262, giving your
name and address and a member of the association will call upon
such person for his signature.
"The association will keep in confidence the names of all those
who are members of the association and has been assured of
full police protection."
(Bd. Ex. 209.)
Ellis' connection with this Association is significant.
The evening
before, Frizzell, an office worker at the plant, who was nominally
at the head of the Association, had secured application blanks from
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
701
Ellis.
Moreover, Ellis later unsuccessfully asked the Mayor if the
Association could obtain space in the City Hall but cautioned the
Mayor "under no circumstances" to use his name.
It will be remembered that Ellis was a member of the Citizens
Committee.
Previously, Harding had suggested to that Committee
that if it desired to be "helpful" it could support a "back to work"
movement.
But the Committee, after talking the matter over with
Anderson, had appreciated that its participation in such a movement
would amount to a complete abandonment of neutrality and there-
fore refused to offer its aid to such a plan.
When Ellis, a member
of the Committee, openly identified himself with such a movement,
the Committee felt that his action would reflect on it and conse-
quently decided to ask Ellis to resign and then to disband itself. It
Aid so on June 18, at the same time that it. published a statement
announcing its inability to end the strike.
Parts of that statement
are worth quotation :
"We regret to report that up to the present time all efforts
to get the contending parties together have failed.
The Union
leaders have been ready to meet representatives of the company,
but representatives of the company have been unwilling to meet
with Union leaders, although they have expressed a willingness
to meet with employes in a group or with employes who are not
Union officers . . .
"We fear that, if the disputants persist in maintaining their
present positions, Remington-Rand, Inc. will, as definitely stated
to this committee by an officer of the company, complete dis-
mantlement and removal of the machinery and equipment of the
local factory to other plants now in operation .
"This report would not be complete without reference to a
movement that has been announced for the purpose of regaining
employment.
This committee wishes it to be known definitely
that it has had no part in the inception of this movement." (Bd.
Exs. 236r, s.)
In regard to the middle paragraph, the editor of the local paper
testified that there was no question but that the threats to move the
plant had caused a certain amount of fear in the minds of the towns-
men and the Committee.
The ensuing days saw an intensive publicity campaign conducted
by the Association.
Large advertisements appeared nearly daily in
the paper.
At the same time the respondent apparently shut off its
supply of news, so that the paper was forced to resort to these ad-
vertisements for material for its news articles.
The citizens of
Middletown thus received a double dose of this publicity.
The ad-
vertisements were of a type practically identical with those of the
702
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
, associations in the other cities.
Mention is made of the "many
workers who called . . . expressing their desire to retrun to
work", but no figures are stated.
Prompt action is held imperative
,"as we have no assurance of Remington-Rand, Inc. remaining in
Middletown"."
On Saturday, June 20, it is stated that to avoid a
rush of calls on Monday morning the office will be kept open on
'Saturday and Sunday-phone numbers remaining as before.
On
'June 22 the Association offers to "pay the expenses of any employee
who wishes to go to Ilion to learn the truth" about employment there.
.,On June 23 a time limit is set-the Association "will hold its office
,open for 3 more days at which time it expects that a sufficient number
of employees will have signified their intention to return so that the
Association may approach the executives of Remington Rand, Inc.
with a sufficient number of employees to commence operations'?.
Additional pressure is then supplied :
"Two more carloads of machinery were shipped last night and
the Association feels that those remaining employees who wish
to keep the plant in Middletown must hasten to give their names
to the Back-To-Work Association.
We are confident that it is
the intention of the executives of Remington-Rand to move the
plant from Middletown if their employees do not wish to return
to work.
"There are those who say that the Remington-Rand executives
are bluffing.
Our feeling on this point is that even if they are
bluffing, they are doing so with all the aces up their sleeves.
With a plant in Elmira handed to them on a silver platter in a
town well populated with highly skilled mechanics and with the
additional prospect that a good many of Middletown's skilled
mechanics have signified their willingness to move to Elmira,
we cannot see how Remington-Rand can lose materially even if
.its Middletown employees should oblige them to move the plant
from this community. It certainly is a small loss to the company
in comparison to the great loss to the community of Middletown
and to the former employees and the families which have lost
their means of livelihood." (Bd. Ex. 217.)
On June 24, "The Time Is Growing Short . . . To Return To Your
Job".
On June 25 the employees are informed that they have lost
$154,000 since May 26th and are losing $7,000 each day they remain
out of work.
Then, "Do hired agitators have your personal interest
at heart?
Or are they more interested in their own salaries than in
your wages?" (Bd. Ex. 219.)
The employees that day received at
74 The respondent, in an advertisement under its name on June 19, continued this
approach by stating that it would receive applications for employment in other plants
, inasmuch as a large part of its equipment had been moved out of Middletown.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
703
their homes rather interesting literature mailed to them by the re-
spondent; a composite picture of Remington-Rand plants, with the
June 25 status of manufacturing, as follows : Ilion, Tonawanda and
Marietta-returned to work; Syracuse-60 per cent moved; Nor-
wood-10 per cent moved; Middletown-30 per cent moved; photo-
static copies of affidavits signed by Ilion employees that they had
"voluntarily" returned to work, and a reprint of the two-page adver-
tisement of May 23.
That same day two significant items appeared
in the paper.
The news columns of the paper stated that Rand had
accepted the invitation of the Association to address it at Middletown.
As usual, Rand's acceptance was in a form capable of utilization as
a publicity medium :
"We will be glad to come to Middletown and talk to your
association and all employes, regardless of their affiliations..
The officers of our company were very reluctant to move the,
Middletown plant.
That decision was reached only after we-
were convinced that unlawful threats and intimidation by a few
would be allowed to continue so as to frighten the vast major-
ity of loyal workers, preventing them from working in the
Middletown plant." (Bd. Ex. 236bb.)
The advertising column contained the following:
"Male Help
"WANTED-25 millwrights to start work immediately dis-
mantling and skidding machinery for shipment.
Remington
Rand, Inc., Middletown, Conn.
R. E. Benner, vice-presid6nt."-
(Bd. Ex. 229.)
The scene shifts to New York and a meeting between Rand and
Bergoff on June 25.
Rand told Bergoff that he wanted some "mill-
*rights" sent up to Middletown the next day. Bergoff, who al-
ready had'ten men planted in Middletown, obtained the new men,
about 59 in number, and they left in a private railroad car on'
June 26.
Bergoff's description of them is interesting : "A man, a
fink, as you call him in the newspapers, he is anything; he may be
a carpenter today, a plumber tomorrow, a bricklayer the next day,
this particular day they were millwrights."
Rand boarded the train
at Stamford and said to Bergoff : "You better have these men get off
at Hartford and come over to Middletown the best way you possibly
can, taxicabs, automobiles, buses, trains, . . . I would like to have'
about half the men come in the plant at once and "other half
remain out . . .
We will have to give these men identification
cards."
Cards were then written out stating that each man was a
millwright and given to the men.
Rand stated : "I will notifytlie
704
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
police at Stamford not to molest any of these men that have a
millwright's card."
He then spoke to the "millwrights".
Williams.
one of the "millrights", testified as follows on Rand's talk :
"he was going up to Middletown and give a speech; that the
people up there had petitioned him to reopen that plant, instead
of moving it.
He was going to Middletown and make a speech
to the employees and try to get them to go back to work. He
said they were all starving to death and wanting to go back to
work.
He wanted us to kind of stooge for him.
He wanted us
to kind of applaud for him . . .
We were to make the plant, yes,
to make the plant.
We had to get on the company property .. .
Mr. Rand wanted us there for his speech, and he was going to
make the speech on company property so we had to make it."
And so the "millwrights" came to Middletown. It will be recalled
that on June 23 the Association had advertised that in three days
it expected to approach the executives of the respondent and ask them
to reopen the plant.
Three days meant the 26th of June-the identi-
cal day to which all of Rand's preparations in New York for an
opening were directed.
On the morning of June 26 there were 60 to 70 policemen on duty
at the plant, in contrast to the usual 10 or 11, the additional police
being assigned
"at the request of the factory officials, who expressed fears of
disorders arising from the hiring of 25 millwrights, who were
to come to work today and continue dismantling of the plant."
(Bd. Ex. 236gg.)
Previously, Howland had telephoned the Mayor and asked for police
protection for the, "millwrights".
The "millwrights" arrived and
entered the plant, jostling the pickets with their elbows as they went
through the picket lines.
But the union leaders had urged that order
be maintained and consequently "the threatened disorder failed to
occur".78
During the day Rand conferred with the Mayor. Tele-
grams were sent 'to the employees notifying them of a mass meeting
in' the afternoon.
Foremen were busy contacting employees and
urging them to attend.' Announcements of the meeting were broad-
cast over the radio. In the afternoon the grand event took place-
Rand addressed the employees gathered around the plant and in the
plant yard through amplifiers erected around the building.
After
the speeches the crowd, composed nearly entirely of the respondent's
salesmen; office employees, and strangers to Middletown, rushed into
the' plant, the "For Sale" sign came tumbling down,.the tar-paper
78 The. Chief of -Police ordered the ''millwrights" out of town that same night.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
705
covering was ripped from the windows, and a celebration staged.
Williams, a "millwright", testified as follows :
"A. Then Mr. Rand invited everybody into the plant, had a
surprise for everybody., I don't know whether it was Mr. Rand
or the superintendent of the plant; somebody invited us in any-
way.
Anyway they all got up and walked in.
"Q. What happened inside?
"A. The big surprise ... was they were going to take the
sign down off the building. I thought we were going to get a
drink of beer or something, but I didn't see any."
Newsreel cameramen were present taking pictures of the demonstra-
tion:
When it was all over Rand came to Bergoff and said : "Now
you have done wonderful work." Bergoff said : "Almost, as good as
Tonawanda," and they then "kidded each other." The testimony of
the editor of the local paper on this event was as follows :
"Q. When did the fact that there was a campaign involved,
come to your attention for the first time?.
"A. A campaign involved for breaking the strike?
Of course
we assumed from the very first that was the object of the notice
the factory was going to be moved, but to what extent he meant
it, we were uncertain and, of course, somewhat concerned.
"Q. What else led you to believe that Rand was out to break
the strike?
"A. Well, when he opened the factory, of course, then we were
convinced he really meant to break the strike rather than remove
the factory .. .
"Q. Did that appear to you to be a staged manoeuvre?
"A. No, I thought it was an honest to goodness effort to
operate the factory in Middletown.
"Q. You did not identify that with strike-breaking
technique?
"A. Yes, I should say his object was to break the strike.
"Q. When you say `break the strike', you use the word in
contradistinction to the word `settle'?
"A. Yes sir."
That same day Howland sent the following telegram individually
to the employees :
"AM GLAD TO ADVISE THAT THE RESULTS OF TODAY'S CONFERENCE AND
MEETING RESULTED IN REMOVAL OF THE FOR SALE SIGN AND OFFICERS
GRANTING THE DEMAND FOR THE REOPENING OF THE PLANT MONDAY
MORNING STOP WILL EXPECT YOU TO . REPORT FOR WORK OR ADVISE
BY =TELEPHONE OR LETTER ON • SATURDAY JUNE TWENTY SEVENTH IF'
YOU WANT YOUR J,OB HELD ,OPEN AWE HAVE POSITIONS FOR ONLY
706
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
911 WORKERS AT THE PRESENT TIME VACATION PRIVILEGES AS HERE-
TOFORE ANNOUNCED
WILL BE MAINTAINED AND YOU WILL BE
ENTITLED
TO THE FIFTEEN
DOLLAR VACATION
MONEY AT THE END
OF THE FIRST WEEK IN ADDITION TO YOUR REGULAR WAGE" (Bd. Ex.
268.)
Foremen also contacted the employees to persuade them to return.
On June 29 the plant was reopened for work but only 23 persons
entered.
There was no disorder.
For the next few days the re-
spondent maintained its intensive efforts to induce the employees to
return.
Amplifiers at the plant, which could be heard for three to
four miles, and sound trucks blared forth a confusion of music,
exhortations, inducements, bonus offers, and threats.
Advertise-
ments by the respondent talked of "A Final Message To Middletown
Employees" (Hartford Daily Courant) and stated, "Welcome Back
to Work, The Stampede Is On".79 Significantly, advertisements by,
the Association ceased and that organization disappeared from the
:Gene.
It was evident that the "back to work" movement had not suc-
ceeded.
On June 30 no more than 45 people entered the plant
according to a police count; the respondent stated 151 workers were
in the factory.
Under such conditions a statement issued that day,
by Si>;nson possesses unusual significance.
The newspaper carried a
headline, "Remington Rand Inc. Is Determined To Operate Its
Middletown Factory", over the following article :
"Announcement that the Remington, Rand, Inc. factory here
was `open to stay' and will definitely remain here was made by
J. A. W. Simson, secretary and general counsel for the company
this morning.
Mr. Simson asserted that the company was de-
termined to produce typewriters here even if the office workers
had to be employed on the job of manufacture. The factory, he
stated, will remain open no matter how few former employees
return, and it Was stated that 151• workers were in the factory
today.
If necessary workers will be imported from other cities
to carry on essential operations.
Schools for training skilled
help are to be opened." (Bd. Ex. 236jj.)
An advertisement of the same date rounded out the announcement :
"Remington Rand Is Building A New Factory Organization
around a,small nucleus of foremen and experienced hands. This
is your opportunity to learn how to assemble and how to align
typewriters.
7° This same advertisement stated : "The management of the company desires' again
to state emphatically that under no circumstances will it make, an,^agreement ,
either
written or verbal , with the union that called this strike ,
or with any other union
dominated by the American Federation of L'abor • or other outside'professional agitators."
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
707
"Competent instructors will remain in Middletown for the
purpose of assisting in the teaching of assembling and aligning
operations to new employees during the next thirty day period."
(Bd. Ex. 223.)
The respondent was thus entering on the third phase of its cam-
paign-operation of the plant with strikebreakers.
This phase was
to be marked by a wave of disorder that was to arise suddenly and
to stir the community to fever pitch in its determination to stamp
down "violence" and maintain "law and order", but at the same
time to draw attention away from the respondent's wholesale use of
strikebreakers and to obscure further the issues of the strike.
Since May 26 there had been no disorder of any sort. On June
26 the newspaper spoke of "the record of absence of disorder con-
tinued since the strike started four weeks ago".
The police records
for the same period stated, "No trouble during this time". The news-
paper again on June 30 referred to the order maintained by the
pickets and the police records confirm the report. Such maintenance
of order for over a month under strike conditions and with over
1,000 persons involved is little short of remarkable. It serves to
underscore the sincerity of the union leaders and the discipline they
exerted upon their members.
Yet suddenly, simultaneous with the
announcement of the respondent that the plant will remain open and
new employees will be hired, there comes the first outbreak of dis-
order.
On June 30 the house of three persons who had reported to
work at the plant was stoned-"four concrete blocks weighing about
50 pounds each, were thrown at the home". On July 2 complaints on
behalf of the residents of the house for damages were served against
three of the unions and their leaders, each claiming $9,000 damages.
Ellis was the attorney for each of the plaintiffs.80
On the same day
the respondent filed a suit for an injunction against the same three
unions and the same leaders to restrain them from committing acts
of violence.
Ellis was the attorney for Remington Rand, Inc. Ellis
in the injunction suit referred to the damage suits filed the same
day and the "violence" that occasioned them.
Previously, on June
30, a statement issued by the respondent had described at length an
injunction secured by it at Norwood against the unions in that town,
so that the community at Middletown would be prepared for the
institution of an injunction suit in its courts.
After argument, a
broad injunction was granted against the unions, by stipulation,
however, limiting pickets to ten ' in number, preventing the union,
members from congregating on a public street, restraining the union
60 A damage suit was brought in Syracuse by the respondent against the union leaders'
at the same time that the respondent there instituted a suit for an injunction.
5727=37-vol 11=46
708
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
members from any unlawful act directed against any employee of
the plant, and "from striking, beating, ill-treating or following in
a mocking, threatening or intimidating manner" any such employee."
The respondent immediately sent individual telegrams to the em-
ployees on strike informing them of this result :
"INJUNCTION ISSUED AGAINST ALL EMPLOYEE MEMBERS OF UNION
STOP COMPANY POSITIVELY REFUSES ANY CONFERENCE OR SETTLEMENT
WITH UNION STOP BOTH SYRACUSE AND NORWOOD HAVE RESUMED WORK
STOP BEWARE FALSE RUMORS
"REMINGTON RAND INC JAMES H RAND JR"
(Bd. Ex. 257.)
Copies of the injunction were also served personally on about 900
members of the unions, even though they were not named as indi-
vidual defendants in the action, and even on persons who were mem-
bers of the union not named in the action-Machinists Local No.
851-in an effort to intimidate these employees by playing on their
unfamiliarity with the vagaries of equity jurisdiction.
A statement
issued by the respondent again referred to the Norwood injunction
and also referred at length to acts of disorder at Syracuse and Ilion
by union members.
The case against the unions at Middletown was
thus being built up by the respondent.
During this period the respondent was steadily hiring new em-
ployees.
It stated on July 6 that there were 705 employees at work
on that day.
Of these, 77 were said to be former strikers, while the
unions' count showed that only 59 union and non-union employees had
returned to work.
Considering that there were only 151 employees
at work on June 30, the respondent must have hired about 500 strike-
breakers in that period.82
In the meantime, from July 1 to July 7,
there was no disorder.
Suddenly, in the early morning of July 7, a
series of stonings of homes occurred in outlying parts of Middletown.
The reaction was swift.
The newspaper carried a headline, "Mayor
and Prosecutor Determined To Preserve Law and Order In City,
Violence Here Stirs Officials".
Mayor Santangelo issued a statement
prominently placed on the front page that he was "shocked" by the
violence and that "law and order" would be preserved by means of all
the forces at his command.
And yet in small type was the following :
Previous to the injunction there had been several hundred pickets daily. The
unions had leased lots around the plant and strikers were permitted to congregate on
these lots after the injunction .
Later, one of these lots which was strategically located,
was purchased by the respondent and strikers excluded from it.
82 An advertisement on October 28, stating that positions were open on a second shift
then being organized , contained the following : "Experience is not necessary .
A. large
number of the present force started without previous experience and are now proficient
operators "
,
During the'first week inI July practically all of the tool makers , including Anderson,
had their tools sent to them by' the respondent.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
709
"There is no evidence to show that the stoning was done by
striking employees of the Remington Rand Inc. factory .. .
The timing of the acts of violence and the fact that in Middle-
field and East Hampton those who threw the stones took flight
in a black sedan lead authorities to believe all the incidents were
carefully planned, and they find significance in the fact that in
all instances the attacks were directed against those now em-
ployed in the factory." (Bd. Ex. 236rr.)
On the same day there occurred an event on which the newspapers
did not care to comment. An automobile containing Rand, his
brother-in-law who was an assistant superintendent, and several fore-
men, moved slowly back and forth along the picket line.
The car
was traveling at about ten miles an hour.
One of the occupants
was taking pictures of the people on the picket line. James H.
Rand, Jr., member of the Business Advisory Council of the Depart-
ment of Commerce and Chairman of the Committee for the Nation,33
was deliberately "thumbing his nose at the group of pickets".
The city authorities determined to take stern measures.
On July 8
the "riot act" was read to a crowd of strikers and they were ordered
to disperse.
This unnecessary action only served to anger the
strikers and they "booed" the local police to such an extent that the
police captain reading the "riot act" could not be heard.
This occa-
sioned a headline, "Strikers Defy Command To Disperse; Mayor
Will Call Militia If Needed".
As a consequence, a total of 66 state
police arrived to assist the local police, which numbered about 45.
Yet the, news article of the same day reported that all was quiet
within an hour after the "riot act" had been read and the rest of
"the morning passed without incident".
A state police officer re-
marked : "These people do not appear to be unruly."
The emotional
tension that the respondent was creating in Middletown is evidenced
by this contract between the actual situation and harsh measures
adopted by the authorities.
The respondent continued its policy of keeping indignation alive.
On_ July 9, Ellis obtained writs against Anderson and other members
of the unions charging them with contempt of the injunction on the
ground that they had "acquiesced in" and "encouraged" acts in viola-
tion of the injunction.
Such a move could only result in causing the
community to swing further away from the unions and at the same
time demoralize them through action against their leaders.
Many of
these cases were dismissed when brought to a hearing weeks later.
At the same time the respondent encouraged the filing of groundless
c6mplaints against striking employees by announcement in a' news
81 Who's who in America , vol. 19 ( 1936), p. 2011.
710
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
release that the following telegram had been sent to a citizen of
Middletown :
"I want to notify you that the officials of Remington Rand Inc.
have decided to give you the five hundred dollar reward although
you did not come under the terms of the offer. I want to com-
mend you for your demonstration of good citizenship in assisting
in the enforcement of law and order and hope that your action
will encourage all other good citizens in our community to follow
your example.
My best personal wishes to you and your eight
children.
"(Signed)
JAMES H. RAND, JR., Pres."
(Bd. Ex. 234k.)
The recipient of the reward, similar in terms to that made in' Syra-
cuse, had testified in cases in which conviction for intimidation and
breach of the peace had been secured.
These events established the pattern for the next two months. The
news articles on the strike were nearly entirely devoted to the topic
of disorder-accounts of acts of violence, arrests, trials, fines, decla-
rations by the city authorities, etc.
The news from the other cities
involved in the strike that was featured in the Middletown Press
contained nearly exclusively accounts relating to disorders and acts
of violence in those cities.
Even news articles concerning disorders
at Middletown that were entirely unrelated to the strike were
grouped with the strike news. The editorials in the paper, which had
up to July been neutral in character, now turned against the unions
because of the violence that had occurred.
On this point the editor,
of the paper, who wrote its editorials, testified as follows :
"A. Before the strike was called, Mr. Shea came in and we
had quite a long talk on the strike in general, and my belief led
me to a fairly accurate idea of what was going to happen and I
told him this, that if a strike were called, the press would not
take an editorial stand either for or against it.
We believed that
was an argument to be settled between the factory and em-
ployees, but if the employees became violent, we would then take
up a stand for law and order irrespective of its consequences
and until the violence broke out, the press made no editorial
mention whatever of the strike ...
"Q. So as and when violence began, which I assume was early
in July, the editorial.policy shifted?
"A. I wouldn't say so.
We don't figure that we shifted.
We
did not condemn the strikers as strikers.
We did condemn the
use of violence to achieve their ends and only that ...
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
711
"Q. You know it indicated a definite siding with the factory
point of view?
"A. Unfortunately we knew that would be the attitude of
Union Labor.
"Q. Well, did you know why that is the attitude of Union
Labor?
"A. Except as I know something of human nature; if you
oppose a man you are either with him or agin him; if you are
agin him, you are agin him; that is all there is to it.
"Q. What was the effect of this editorial policy as far as the
local government was concerned?
"A. I think it strengthened them in that.
"Q. Did it strengthen the police force?
"A. I think so. I think they felt they had some backing
behind them, that the Press more or less spoke for the public.
"Q. Was the police force thereafter augmented?
"A. Oh, yes, very considerably."
The effect was naturally cumulative and the unions suffered as a
consequence, since responsibility for all acts of violence was laid at
their door without any serious attempt to sift the facts and detect
the wrongdoers.
Several things stand out in this period.
After
days of calm, acts of disorder would suddenly occur at a time when
violence would be most damaging to the unions. For example, when
the state police would be withdrawn because of absence of disorder,
fresh disorders would occur that would necessitate their recall.
Again, one of the local judges had adopted the practice of holding
union members convicted of violence as hostages, in that the judge
would delay sentence and state that its severity would depend upon
the conduct of the unions in the future. Such an announcement
would be followed by an outbreak of disorder and the hostages would
then be dealt with severely.
The most serious trouble occurred on
September 9 and 10.
On the first day the state police, without any
provocation, drove pickets away from the plant by means of tear
gas and clubs and refused to permit the strikers to congregate on a
lot they had leased near the plant.
The next day the state police
launched a tear gas attack on the strikers who were proceeding in
orderly fashion to their lots.
The State Commissioner of Labor
investigated the situation the next day and was able to ease the
tension existing as a result of these attacks.
The respondent kept the tide running against the unions by insert-
ing advertisements calculated to incite public opinion, such as one
containing a news article relating to violence in strikes unconnected
with the respondent, and the imposition of heavy bail in cases where
union employees had been arrested, and one headed, "Will You Pa-
712
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
rade In Defiance of the Injunction", which implied that a union
parade would be a violation of the decree.
The latter was inserted
just before a parade was held by the unions with the express per-
mission of the city authorities.
On July 25, the strikebreakers at the
plant sent a petition to the city authorities demanding special depu-
ties and charging that the law enforcing agencies of the city lacked
"guts".
And in September, Frizzell and others visited the Governor
and stated that unless they were given more protection they "would
have to take the law into their own hands". In October and Novem-
ber, the respondent mailed out to a large number of its employees in
Middletown, and also Syracuse, a book entitled, "This Labor Union
Racket", by Edward Dean Sullivan. This book, containing 311 pages
and published in 1936, by emphasis on scattered incidents of un-
scrupulous union leadership and by omission of the principles and
benefits of legitimate union organization, presents a distorted view
of the labor movement. It is written in a spectacular style and
rumors make up a large part of its material. The respondent had
purchased 1,500 copies from the publisher.
Employees in Middle-
town were also mailed by the respondent a marked copy of the New
York Sun containing an_ article on union racketeers.
All the disorder and violence that thus occurred at Middletown
reacted adversely to the interests of the unions.
They lost the sympa-
thy of the public and such loss in turn enabled the city authorities,
including the police and the courts, to treat the unions with unusual
severity.
It is not without significance that when the Mayors of
Middletown and Ilion appeared to testify at the hearings in this
case, the only documents -they brought with them were clippings
relating to acts of disorder.
At the same time the issues which gave
rise to the strike and the respondent's refusal to meet with the union
leaders were lost sight of in the welter of violence news.
The per-
spective of the public thus shifted and it was impossible for it to
approach the underlying issues with a calm and reasoned considera-
tion.
Behind the cloak thus created, the respondent was able both
to continue its refusal to meet with the union representatives, and
to hire strikebreakers and so operate its plant without any protest
from the public.
According to the editor of the local paper, apart
from slight misgivings concerning the millwrights, "the public at
no time had before it any suspicions on the part of the local press"
concerning the respondent's strikebreaking activities.
Finally, the
effects of the disorder were not confined to Middletown, but, through
the press associations and the respondent's press releases, radiated out
to all of the other areas affected by the strike. In view of the serious
consequences of the disorder at Middletown it becomes necessary
to determine what portion of the responsibility for the disorder must
be borne by the respondent.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
713
From an examination of this phase of the record one fact stands
out-much of the violence that occurred was the result of direct acts
of provocation by the respondent, or of acts indirectly traceable to the
respondent.
Speaking editorially, the
Hartford
Daily
Courant
stated :
"The first acts of violence occurred only after a loud speaker
installed at the factory sent forth comments on the strike and the
pickets that might well have incited to riot." ' (Bd. Ex. 235d.)
Union leaders claimed, and with understandable justification, that
Rand's exhibition of nose-thumbing "incited the crowd".
Anderson's
testimony on the question of provocation is interesting :
"Q. Were you on the picket line the day the millwrights came?
"A. I was.
"Q. From where you were, were you able to observe how they
crossed the picket line?
"A. They came from various places. I noticed one coming in
here, going across the street on to the picket line, and intermin-
gling there with the picket line all the way up towards the en-
trances to the factory.
"Q. How did they walk through the picket line, if you know?
"A. They walked right through our crowd, and anybody was
in the way, there would be a little jostling back and forth .. .
"Q. Was it necessary to jostle the picket, line to get through
that day ?
"A. There wasn't anybody on the other side, hardly at all.
There was plenty of room to go there.
We didn't have any pick-
ets on Johnson Street at that time.
They could have walked
down that sidewalk and up Johnson.
"Q. Did you observe anyone else on that occasion apart from
(the millwrights) who were jostling among the pickets?
A. Mr. Howland, factory manager.
"Q. What was the action which you described as jostling?
"A. Well, of course, the pickets were walking along the street,
and they would go through the picket line, one side and then
come back through it again on the other side continually, all the
way, the whole length, and George Howland I noticed in par-
ticular, they went in there, and he was just worming his way
through the crowd there.
"Q. The witness is indicating with the motion of his elbows
extended.
"A. That is right.
"Q. What do you think the purpose of it was, as observed that
movement by Howland and others through the picket line on that
day ? ...
714
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"A. It was very definite in my mind that was done with the
same purpose and in the same way that these thugs went through
the line, to start some kind of disturbance, to get our people
worked up, so there would be a disturbance, so there would be
occasion to stick in a big force of police.
That is (the) way I
took it right away. Some people became perturbed over it, and
I had to talk to them quite a bit to calm them down, not to get
excited over it, which they did. It wasn't any trouble there.
"Q. Were you an observer of other attempts which in your
opinion were attempts to provoke the strikers?
"A. Yes sir.
"Q. What were they? .. .
"A. That was from the very beginning it started that day
when Mr. Howland was elbowing his way through the crowd .. .
and all those instances, like the parade they had around the fac-
tory, carrying flags and so forth, playing the Star Spangled
Banner s'-all those things the Mayor testified here it was a
reign of terror.
It wasn't a reign of terror the way we saw it,
it was a reign of hysteria. It was almost an impossible job
with a large group like that to keep them in control after the
way they were being aggravated. I know the day they were
playing the National Anthem, with people over there with flags
in their hands, some of our people were almost on the verge
of running over and tearing that thing out of the windows.
We
have always been brought up since the time we were children
to respect the National Anthem, and to see it being used for
strike-breaking purpose, I know it made my blood boil, and
there were others-the whole group was very much disturbed
over it."
Once disorder had entered the picture and brought the state police
to the scene, the unions were beset on every side. Strikers were ar-
rested on flimsy evidence, with widespread publicity given to their
arrest, only to be released later for lack of evidence or to be ac-
quitted.
Excessive bail was required. In cases where the final ver-
dict was against the defendant, heavy fines were levied entirely out
cf proportion to the offense.85
Besides affecting the morale of the
strikers, these activities were a serious drain on their funds, drawn
upon to meet the requirements of bail and fines. In addition, while
arrests of strikers were freely made, the unions experienced extreme
difficulty in securing warrants against guards or strike breakers
84 A parade was held of the employees in the factory on July 3
The Star Spangled
Banner was played on various occasions over the amplifiers at the factory.
",At Ilion and Syracuse the unions experienced similar difficulties of arrests on
meagre evidence, excessive bail and heavy fines in cases where the verdict went against
the defendant.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
715
charged by them with illegal acts because of the reluctance of the
authorities to take any action directed against the respondent.
Their
leaders were summoned to answer contempt charges. The state
police time after time indulged in provocative acts.
Anderson testi-
fied on this as follows :
"Q. Now, I will ask you what was the attitude and action of
the state police after they were placed on duty with reference
to the people on the picket line?
"A. Their attitude continually has been very, very aggra-
vating toward our people. I recall the first time I met Sergeant
Pettengill,ss the first time ' I had met him in that area, he had
stopped me and very sarcastic about-in his line of talk, and
continually he would stop me in the line for the least little
thing, if one of our people had their foot over on the sidewalk,
they would immediately say, `Get your foot off and get back on
that lot where you belong, or we will run you in'. That was
done time after time, that that aggravation was used against our
people, and it rather surprised me to see that their attitude
that they would use, because from all observations that I had,
the state police in Middleton done more, as I saw it, in a strike-
breaking attitude than any of the thugs that were ever'brought
into the plant.
"Q. Those actions took place not only by' Pettengill, but by
others?
'
"A. By several of the state police . . .
Why, they would
come along with their clubs, and if your foot was sticking over
they would give it a knock, and `get back on the lot'. Time after
time it was done there continually ..."
On October 29, a special commission of the National Social Labor
and Religious Foundation 87 reported to the Governor that the state
police were guilty of "brutally and unnecessarily clubbing" strikers
and that "while the purpose of calling out the state police was to
maintain order, this purpose was perverted into their use as a strike
breaking agency". It should not be overlooked that in Middletown,
as elsewhere, the respondent was continually striving to obtain large
forces of police assigned to its plants.
The respondent also made
certain that the flow of complaints against the unions was main-
tained.
On July 1, Howland made four complaints; on July 7,
Howland and Ellis made four complaints; Ellis made a complaint
on July 8; Howland, on July 14, made a complaint, stating he had
"received information that the Noiseless Plant was going to be dyna-
mited tonight", etc.
And at the same time the respondent was stead-
80 His brother was a guard employed in the plant at that time
sr The group included a number of prominent Connecticut citizens
716
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
ily refusing even to meet with the union leaders and was operating its
factory.with strikebreakers.
The union members must be judged by
human standards-their response to the respondent's provocative
conduct and its adamant refusal to bargain collectively was the
response of the normal human being goaded beyond endurance and
impotent in the face of sheer immobility..
There is thus no question that the respondent deliberately set
in motion a train of events that could only end in violence.
The
record also raises the suspicion that much of the violence for which
the unions received the blame was directly committed by agents of
the respondent.
The respondent, and not the unions, stood to gain
by a wave of disorders. It was acknowledged that the union leaders
were opposed to violence of any sort.
On the other hand, the re-
spondent had hired strikebreaking agencies who admittedly indulge
in the tactics of using "agents provocateurs" and of committing acts
of violence to turn public opinion against unions.""
After repeated
requests from Anderson, the state police finally searched the cars
of some of the strikebreakers and in one found 45 revolvers. The
strikebreakers would incite stonings through acts of provocation,
such as throwing paint at pickets. Several of the strikebreakers and
guards were arrested by the police for acts of violence. Some of
these were defended by Ellis. In addition, much of the disorder
was of the type that would arouse suspicion in persons familiar
with the work of strikebreaking agencies : stones thrown at night,
stones thrown from behind bushes, stones thrown from an unidenti-
fied figure in a crowd of strikers, etc. It is significant that in Nor-
wood the police arrested eight guards employed by the respondent
for carrying concealed weapons and one for shooting to kill.
The
police charged that the "guards were aggravating the strike dis-
orders".
In Middletown a guard was also arrested for firing at
strikers.
It might be well to consider the type of guard employed by the
respondent.
Rand and Harding throughout this period were hurling
epithets at the union leaders and characterizing them by referring
constantly to "brigandage" and "atrocities".
But quietly, unknown
to the public at the time, they were employing on their part as
guards persons such as Sam "C'howderhead" Cohen.
This profes-
sional guard and strikebreaker who has practiced his trade for over
20 years has, through the prominence received as a result of his ap-
pearance at a Senate Committee investigation of labor espionage and
strikebreaking,"a come justifiably to typify the class of persons whom
certain of our leaders of industry, such as Rand, consort and deal
84 Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Education and Labor,
74th Congress , 2nd Sess., Pursuant to S. Res. 266; Levinson
( 1935 ), 1 Beak Strikes.
89 See note, 88, supra.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
717
with when they determine to break strikes.
Chowderhead's long
police record includes terms spent at the Elmira Reformatory for re-
ceiving stolen goods, Sing Sing Prison for grand larcency and again
for burglary, and the U. S. Penitentiary.
Related to this record is
the following portion of his testimony :
"Q. Nov, when you went up and saw Mr. Howland at that
time Mr. Cohen, did the company ask you for any references?
"A. No, sir.
"Q. Did you give them any?
"A. No, sir.
"Q. Tell them what your qualifications were?
"A. You see, in this line of work they never asked for no
references."
Finally, Bergoff himself said :
"A. I told Rand to avoid as much violence as he possibly
could.
Well, Rand is Rand.
"Q. What do you mean by that, he didn't pay any attention?
"A. He went along the line he thought was best, I presume."
Bergoff had elsewhere in his testimony stated that "Rand is very
aggressive and pretty much likes to do things his own way".
His
brief characterization of Rand in the testimony quoted above-
"Well, Rand is Rand"-speaks volumes.
At this point reference might appropriately be made to another
aspect of the Middletown situation which was kept from the knowl-
edge of the public.
Rand had a number of spies and undercover
men at work all through this period.
One was Oscar Fortis.
Under
the name of Burke he had appeared in Middletown after the 1934
strike claiming to represent a corporation investigating conditions
at the Middletown plant for a group of -Remington Rand stock-
holders.
At that time he contacted union members and requested
them, in return for monetary payments, to provide from time to time
information that would prevent another strike from occurring at
the plant.
Duane, an employee to whom he spoke, was to be his
"contact man" and to keep him informed on conditions at the plant.
Any one who is familiar with the mechanics of labor espionage, as
revealed in the Senate Committee investigation of that matter, would
at once recognize this-the typical approach of a labor spy attempt-
ing to "hook" a union member without the latter being aware of what
is actually taking place.
Burke appeared again in Middletown in
June, 1936, and once more approached Duane, stated he was still
connected with the "same outfit", and spoke to him about the events
leading up to the strike and the strength of the unions.
Unfortu-
nately for Burke, he stated this time that his name was Carter, and
718
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
upon Duane's commenting' on the -change from 1934, attempted to
cover the slip by stating it was. "Burke Carter."
When the Mlddle-
town,police checked the matter at Duane's request the name turned
out to be Oscar Fortis of Pennsylvania, believed by police at Pitts-
burgh to be a labor spy.
Another was Joseph Germain.
He had
been a member of one of the Middletown unions.
When the strike
was called lie volunteered for strike duty and -by some adroit
manoeuvres obtained the assignment of answering the telephone, at
the union headquarters.
In this position he was able to check on all
calls.
Later, in July or August, he returned to work as night super-
intendent.
In conversation with him Harris, one of the guards
employed inside the factory and who testified at the hearing, learned
that all the time he had been attending union meetings and serving
the unions he had been paid by the respondent and was reporting to
it.
A third was Captain Nathaniel Shaw, known to the profession
as "Crying Nat Shaw", and described elsewhere as the "Prince of
Provocateurs." 90
In July he had contacted Harding, who wanted
him' to supply "missionaries" for some of the plants.
But Shaw
informed him he was not active in that field', his forte was "radi-
calism."
Rand then employed him to visit Middletown to determine,
according to Shaw, if there were any "agitators" and "radicals" in
the union leadership.
This was the third week in July. Shaw
stayed in Middletown for three days.
While at Middletown he
reported daily to Rand by telephone.
The high spot of that trip
was his attempt to bribe Shea, president of the State Federation of
Labor.
Then he reported back to Rand that he could find no radi-
cals among the Union leaders. This report displeased Rand greatly,
since he insisted that the Union leaders were "radicals" and "com-
munists".
Shaw was next employed to gather together a group of
machinists to work at Elmira.
Through advertisements-reading,
"Men wanted, mechanics, shopmen, machinists, aligners for out of
town, labor trouble"-Shaw obtained people in New York, Phila-
delphia, and Jersey City and these came to a hotel room in New
York in response to telegrams from Rand. By this time it was de-
cided to send them to Middletown, where aligners were needed, and
a foreman from that plant came down to assist in the selection. The
men were then interviewed, questioned as to whether they belonged
to a union, and "dry cleaned". Shaw testified on this practice as
follows :
"A. The way I do is to take three men and put them together
in a room with one of my men and my man starts the con-
versation with them. `Well, we don't want to go to work. I
don't think I want to go to work. I think there is trouble over
B° Levinson, I Break Shades (1935), p. 257 et seq.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
719
there', and the other fellow will say `I have to go to work,
trouble or not, if there is plenty of protection'.
The other fel-
low turns around and says `Well, there is a strike over there. I
don't think we ought to go there', and all that kind of stuff.
The other men would say, `Why did you come here in the first
place?' `I just wanted to find out all about it.'
"Q. That is the third man?
"A. Yes. Then the party comes around and says, `You took
up all this time of mine to find out. these things?'
And he
says, `Who are you finding these things out for?'
And we get
a little peeved and just knock them out. .. .
"Q. What is the technical name for such examinations in in-
dustrial matters and industrial service?
What is-the technical
word applied to such an examination by you in your business?
"A. Why, examining, that is all.
"Q. Just examining?
"A. Yes.
"Q. Have you heard the words `dry cleaning'?
"A. Sometimes some of them use that expression.
"Q. What is the full meaning of the words `dry cleaning'?
"A. Well, `dry cleaning', what they mean by that is, that he
is not a radical.
He has been cross-examined to such an extent,
he is marked 0. K.
"Q. That goes for Union men too?
"A. Yes, sir."
Shaw, in the end, did not take these men to Middletown, for he re-
fused to take them across a state line in interstate commerce,9" de-
spite Rand's offer of $5,000 for the job. Shaw was to "survey" the
other plants in addition to Middletown, but after his refusal to take
the men to Middletown his relations with Rand ceased. Finally,
Captain Foster testified that he had two undercover men in Middle-
town, as well as one apiece at Ilion and Syracuse, while Burns had
two`-operatives acting as undercover men at Tonawanda and one at
Ilion or Syracuse.92
The union leaders themselves had uncovered a
spy at Ilion who had been in the plant for two months prior to the
strike.
It should be, noted that all of these agencies, such as Bergoff
and Foster, send a few people in advance to "get the atmosphere .. .
by mixing in on .the outside . . . as regular pedestrians around the
town, getting public opinion and so forth".
By December, there were, about 1150 employees at work in the
plant.
The, respondent had thus, during the months in which. this
B1 Shaw was thinking of the Byrnes Act, 49 Stat .
1899, which forbids _the Interstate
transportation of strikebreakers In certain Instances.
'
12Bergoff had six men doing
escort'' duty'at Tonawanda:
720
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
screen of violence was maintained, employed nearly a' thousand
strikebreakers.
A public fully informed of this fact and not prej-
udiced by the respondent's propaganda, would resent this sweeping
displacement of former employees.
The importance to the respond-
ent of the screen of violence it had created is thus clear.
But in
terms of the union members, it meant that nearly a thousand were
still on strike in December, the time of the hearings in this case at
Middletown.
E.
Norwood and Marietta
The situation at Norwood and Marietta 93 is not covered in the
record in the detailed fashion that the other plants are treated, since
much of the.evidence was said to be merely cumulative by counsel
for the Board.
Several aspects of the Norwood situation are worth
mention, however.
There were about 1,500 production and main-
tenance employees at the Norwood plant, and all of these were on
strike on May 26. In the month of June the respondent attempted
to create a "back to work" psychology, but without the medium of an
association as at the other, plants.
As part of this campaign, there
were the customary advertisements.
On June 12, in the Cincinnati
Post, and.on June 13, in the Cincinnati Enquirer, there appeared an
advertisement signed by the respondent containing, in part, the fol-
lowing statements :
"We have received written assurances from a substantial per-
centage of our 1700 employees that they are anxious and will-
ing to return whenever we see fit to reopen the plant, but it
has been suggested that we provide an easier, more confidential
method for the hundreds of others who also want to return.
"That suggestion has been followed, and those so inclined are
asked to call PArkway 7666, between 9 A. M. and 9 P. M.,
and give their name and clock number.
"Everyone so calling has positive assurance their identity will
not be revealed to anyone.
When an overwhelming majority
has indicated a desire to return, and not until then, they will be
duly notified when the plant will reopen."
The technique is thus identical with that followed by associations
in the places where those agencies were utilized.
The advertisement
also contained the following interesting statement :
"Marietta employees have returned and the plant is operating
100% normal.
85% of the employees of Plants 1 and 2, at Ilion
voluntarily returned to work this week, and the balance of the
jobs available have been filled with new applicants.
°a On May 26, the 125 employees in the Marietta plant went on strike .
They all
returned to work on June 8.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
721
"Strikebreakers were not used to open either of the above
plants.
Employees at Tonawanda and Syracuse are also start-
ing to return and it is expected these plants will be fully manned
very shortly." (Bd. Exs. 279h, i.)
On June 15, there appeared in the Cincinnati Enquirer a full page
of excerpts from the Utica newspapers relating to the events at Ilion
on June 10 and 11. The citizens of Norwood were thus made fa-
miliar with the Mohawk Valley Formula evolved at Ilion.
On June
23, a full page advertisement in the same paper presented the "real
facts of the situation".
Included in these "real facts" were the An-
derson telegram of April 24 to substantiate the claim that Anderson
had full authority to act for the respondent, reliance on the respond-
ent's ballot to prove that the number supporting a strike was "insig-
nificant" and references to a "radical minority" and "professional
paid agitators".
On the next day another advertisement contained
a threat to move the plant from Norwood and the astounding state-
ment that "the only strike confronting us today is in our Norwood
plant"-this on June 24.
On June 29, an advertisement of the re-
spondent in the Cincinnati Enquirer contained excerpts from articles
in the Syracuse Journal relating to a report by a committee of Syra-
cuse citizens on the Ilion situation and, mirabile dictu, an impassioned
plea for "TRUTH".
About this time the Norwood unions obtained approximately 800
signatures to a petition pledging the signatories not to return to
work "until the strike now in progress is settled by an agreement
between Remington Rand, Inc., and the officials in charge of the
strike for the unions of which we are members".
On July 3, in answer to that petition, two advertisements appeared
in the Cincinnati Times-Star.
The first stated :
"NOTICE
"To all former Remington-Rand employees who have signed
agreements not to return to their jobs with this company until
the present strike at our Norwood plant is settled on Union
terms :
"You are requested to call for your tools and any other per-
sonal property on our premises in Norwood, Ohio, on Sunday
morning, July 5, 1936, between the hours of nine A. M. and
twelve noon.
We cannot be responsible for such property not
called for and removed after the time specified. .
"REMINGTON-RAND , INC."
(Bd. Ex. 279a.)
722
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
"Call for your tools", of course, means "discharge". 94
The second
stated :
"NOTICE
"To all Remington-Rand employees who have not signed any
agreement not to return to their jobs .with this company until
the strike in progress at our Norwood plant is settled on
union terms : '
"We are gratified by your response to the opening of our
Norwood Plant this morning.
"Your loyalty and courage will be an inspiration to those of
you who wanted to report but who waited to see what would
happen.
You HAVE SHOWN THE WAY. At 9 P. M. today 228
employees, or approximately 25%
of our total requirements,
had reported for work. To avoid all misunderstanding this
figure does not include guards . . ." (Bd. Ex. 279c.)
Despite this statement, the plant closed again on July 7. It re-
opened for a short time in the middle of August, at which time an
advertisement was inserted, stating, "Wanted-Machine tool opera-
tors of all kinds".
However, the plant was again closed at the
end of August and the equipment moved to Ilion and Elmira.
Removal was completed by September 15 and the plant advertised
for sale.
The respondent, in a report to the Securities and Exchange
'Commission dated September 21, 1936, thus stated that "the plant
at Norwood, Ohio, has recently been closed, the equipment moved
to, and the manufacturing concentrated in, the plants at Ilion and
Elmira, N. Y." because of "labor difficulties".
But in weighing
the reasons for the move, the following two items would seem im-
portant: First, a statement by Mayor Rouclebush of Norwood, in
reply to demands for additional police protection made by a vice-
president of the respondent :
"With five plants in three different states (Ohio, New York
and Connecticut) in this labor controversy, you have no right to
ask Norwood or any other city to settle your disputes by armed
force' when our government has set up machinery by which labor
disputes may be worked out.
"Until I am persuaded that. Mr. Rand (J. H. Rand, Jr.) the
head, representing your national, units, ' has x i tde 'every 'sincere
effort to` mediate with Iabor in ' this matter, Ir at not willing that
Norwood should be made, a seething pot 'of disorder when, in the
end, only, a charitable understanding'as to the rights' of both-
sides 'will bring real'peace." `(Bd: Ex.'236 000.)
°' No general offer of reinstatement was made to these men ; a few received telegrams
attempting to induce their return to work by means of bonus payments.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
723
And second, the testimony of Shaw :
"Q. What plant worried Mr. Rand most when you first spoke
to him?
"A. Out in Norwood.
"Q. The Norwood plant worried him most?
"A. Yes sir.
"Q. From what point of view? .. .
"A. The reason that worried him was because the Governor
wouldn't give him any protection out there.
"Q. What was the situation he told you about?
"A. He was very sore at the Governor of Ohio. He told.me he
wouldn't give him the protection he wanted.
He wouldn't have
no trouble in opening the plant if he could get the protection
he wanted."
F. Efforts at mediation
While the respondent was thus resorting to the methods described
above to defeat the strike on all fronts, there were agencies and per-
sons that were attempting to settle the strike through mediation.
We
now turn to a consideration of their experiences with the respondent.
We have already adverted to the inability of the Federal Conciliators
to accomplish that purpose because of Rand's refusal to meet with the
Joint Board.
On May 27, the second day of the strike, Commissioner
Andrews of the New York State Department of Labor, in a telegram,
requested Rand to meet with representatives of his workers and of
the State Department of Labor in order to effect an amicable settle-
ment of the controversy.
Rand's secretary replied as follows that
same day :
"IN MR RAND ABSENCE WILL UNDERTAKE TO ANSWER YOUR TELE-
GRAM BY INFORMING YOU THAT A TWO DAY CONFERENCE BETWEEN
REPRESENTATIVES OF EMPLOYEES AND DULY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTA-
TIVE OF COMPANY HAS ALREADY BEEN HELD IN SYRACUSE TO NO
AVAIL"
(Bd. Ex. 131.)
This answer was deliberately misleading, inasmuch as it obviously.
implied that the conference both had been held recently and had
dealt immediately with the strike issues, whereas it had been held
more than a month before the answer and even before a strike vote
had been taken.
Andrews called this to Rand's attention the next day
in another telegram :
"I AM ADVISED BY WORKERS REPRESENTATIVES THAT STRIKE HAS
TAKEN PLACE INVOLVING NEW ISSUES SINCE TWO DAY CONFERENCE
MENTIONED YOUR TELEGRAM TWENTY SEVENTH WHICH MAKES IT
NECESSARY YOU MEET WORKERS COMMITTEE BEFORE SETTLEMENT CAN
BE REACHED STOP I THEREFORE RENEW REQUEST . . ." (Bd. Ex. 132.)
5727-37-vol it
47
724
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Harding answered this request, and in his reply continued the tactics
of deliberately misleading Andrews :
'
"REPLYING YOUR TELEGRAM TO MR RAND IF YOU REFER TO STRIKE
IN SYRACUSE PERMIT ME TO INFORM YOU THAT PLANT WAS CLOSED
BY THE COMPANY FOR PURPOSE OF MOVING TO MORE DESIRABLE LOCA-
TION AND WAS NOT CLOSED BY WORKERS STOP AVE ARE INFORMED
THAT ILION WALKOUT WAS ORDERED BY UNION OFFICIALS IN ATTEMPT
TO COMPEL COMPANY TO REFRAIN FROM MOVING SYRACUSE MACHIN-
ERY STOP THIS IS.A MATTER WHICH CANNOT BE ARBITRATED WITH-
OUT WAIVING THE COMPANY'S CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT AND TITLE TO
ITS PROPERTY WHICH OF COURSE THE COMPANY IS NOT CALLED UPON
TO DO STOP THOSE PERSONS SEEKING TO REPRESENT OUR EMPLOYEES
HAVE NOT BEEN AUTHORIZED BY BALLOT AND UNDER RECENT GUFFEY
COAL DECISION BY SUPREME COURT CANNOT LEGALLY ASSUME TO
REPRESENT THE BODY OF WORKERS IN THE COMPANY'S
EMPLOY"
(Bd. Ex. 133.)
Finally, after several telephone calls and another telegram, Andrews
finally arranged for a conference between the respondent and `Doyle;
Supervising Mediator in the State Department of Labor.
On June
2, in New York, Harding talked to Doyle for ten minutes, the con-
ference being twice interrupted in that time by Harding's leaving
to attend to other engagements, and finally being terminated by
Harding, so that he could meet with the committee of the Joint
Valley Board from Ilion.
Doyle the next day again met Harding,
who conferred with him for about twenty minutes.
This conference
likewise consisted of disjointed conversations due to Harding's prac-
tice of attending to other engagements.
Finally, Harding stated,
"I am sorry, Mr. Doyle, we will have to call this conference to a
close inasmuch as I have to prepare a news release for the Tona-
wanda papers . . . If your department desires to be of assistance
in this matter I suggest you get in touch with the Mayor's Com-
mittee ... the Mayors of Ilion, Herkimer, Frankfort and Mohawk."
After the failure of these conferences, Andrews wrote to Rand on
June 4, the letter stating, in part, after a review of his first telegram
to Rand :
"The reply to that telegram and also to subsequent telegrams
and to several telephone messages to assistants of your company
was, I am sorry to say, very evasive and most unsatisfactory ...
"The Labor Law makes it mandatory upon me to inquire into
the cause of all strikes, lockouts and other industrial controversies
in an effort to bring about a peaceful settlement. In the instance
of the Remington-Rand dispute I have faithfully attempted to
perform my duty. So far, due to lack of your co-operation, my
DECISIONS' AND ORDERS r
725
attempt has been futile both in clearly determining the cause of
the controversy and in approaching a peaceful settlement.
"The workers' committee is willing and ready to go into a
conference of the disputed question and I now feel obliged to
advise you that further neglect on your part to avail yourself
of the good offices of The Industrial Commissioner of New'York
State places the responsibility for prolongation of this contro-
versy squarely upon you." (Bd. Ex. 135a.)
But Rand'and his advisors were quite willing to assume that responsi-
bility, since, as we have seen, they had other methods of meeting a.
strike.
Harding therefore replied as follows, after referring to his
conferences with Doyle:
"Further, I suggested to Mr. Doyle as your representative that
the services of your department might well be placed at the dis-
posal of the, Mayors of New York communities who are trying to
organize effective protection for their working population.
By
this I mean protection against intimidation, humiliation of
workers, their wives and children, and threats of bodily injury, as
well as bodily injury itself.
"You state in your letter to Mr. Rand that `the workers' com-
mittee' is willing and ready to go into conference on disputed
questions.
By what right do you assume that a committee from
unions comprising only a small minority of Remington Rand's
employees is `the workers' committee'? Is it a function of the
State of New York to insist that a small minority, organized and
encouraged by outside agitators, must be permitted to force their
will upon the great majority of this company's workers? .. .
"While you complain to the press that we are not conferring
with them, Remington Rand management has been busy every
day meeting with employee representatives from each of its
plants.
The door is open here at all times to those who really
represent this company's employees." (Bd. Ex. 135b.)
Andrews could do nothing more.
The Connecticut State Board of Mediation and Arbitration like-
wise attempted to mediate the strike at the Middletown plant.
On June 4, the Chairman of that Board wrote to both Anderson,
the Joint Board member for Middletown, and Rand, stating that
the Board desired to meet with them on June 8 in an attempt to
settle the dispute.
No answer was received from the respondent.
The Board met with Anderson on June 8, but in view of Rand's re-
fusal to meet with it and the union leaders, could accomplish nothing.
As we have seen, the Citizens Committee of Middletown failed for
the same reason. In July, Governor Cross of Connecticut intervened
726
NATIONAL
LABOR • RELATIONS BOARD
in an attempt to settle the strike.
On July 23, he telegraphed per-
sonal invitations to Rand, as follows:
"I WANT TO ARRANGE FOR A CONFERENCE TO CONSIDER THE SETTLE-
MENT OF THE STRIKE OF YOUR EMPLOYEES WITH YOU THE GOVERNORS
OF NEW YORK AND OHIO AND A REPRESENTATIVE
OF THE EMPLOYEES
OF YOUR CORPORATION" (Bd. Ex. 235g.)
Rand's reply, obviously written with an eye to the public, requires
quotation to do justice to its arrogant tone:
"I have received through The Press the text of your telegram
inviting me to a conference with yourself, Governor Lehman
and Governor Davey. Since your invitation has been published
before I received it, I am making public my reply. If I have
been correctly informed as to the attitude of the Governor of
Ohio, there is nothing to be gained through a conference with
him °
I understand that he stated recently that he had never
called out the Ohio Militia and never would do so in a labor
dispute, which amounts to boasting that he would not live up to
his oath as governor to uphold the law of his State and to pre-
serve law and order and, the right of citizens to work unmolested.
It would be a waste of time to confer with any official who ad-
mits that his word and his oath of office are not to be taken
seriously and who by his actions has condoned the violence
tolerated by the Mayor of Norwood.
"The Press summary of your invitation ... indicates that `the
representative of the employees' to be invited would be a Union
man.
There is no outside Union nor any Union official author-
ized to represent the 10,000 nonunion men and women now work-
ing in Remington Rand Manufacturing plants ... it would be
unjust for an officer of Remington Rand to enter into a dis-
cussion with Union Officials representing only a minority of our
workers.
I have stated to you that the two-day discussion with
Union representatives in Syracuse April 23rd-24th was final and
that never again will our Company discuss with outsiders a
demand to enforce a closed shop and pay tribute for the right
to work.°° . . . For my part, I will not be a party to the injustice
oa Earlier in the day , in a telephone interview on the invitation, Rand had said, "Gover-
nor Davey of Ohio is a total loss .
Ile is not a man of his word "
( 13d
Ex 235g )
96 Here , and elsewhere, the respondent gave the impression that the sole issue of the
strike was the "closed shop", in order to turn uninformed public opinion against the
strikers .
For example , in a report to the Securities and Exchange Commission , it stated,
"The Corporation has had labor difficulties in its plants at Tonawanda, North
Tonawanda , Syracuse and Ilion , N Y, Middletown , Conn , and Marietta and Norwood,
Ohio.
These difficulties involving primasily the question of open or closed shop have
beeir largely overcome except minor difficulties " (Bd Ex 51 )
The "closed shop;", however , was not an issue in this strike
While it is true that the
District Council on July 20 ,
1930 , stated in a letter soliciting funds from other labor
organizations that the respondent 's employees had been on strike for "a closed shop agree-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
727
of using official positions to impose the will of a minority upon
a majority of our workers by permitting the unlawful mob
violence, rock-throwing and brigandage which have character-
ized this strike in Middletown and Norwood. - We will not com-
promise with Communism nor with those who use the methods
of the Communists.
"By tolerating the mob violence which has taken possession
of the plant at Norwood, Governor Davey countenances a pro-
cedure every red blooded American employer and employee
alike will resist because it is the beginning of the end of liberty
in the United States. If you will continue to enforce the -law
in Connecticut and put an end to rock throwing and other vio-
lence as you have tried to do recently, and which has been done
by the cities of Ilion, Marietta and Tonawanda, you will help
put an end to the greatest menace to our American system of
government-namely, an organized system of mob violence. If
Remington Rand were not paying the highest wages in its in-
dustry and would not provide working conditions conducive to
employees' welfare, there might be proper ground for discus-
sion.
But there is only one issue and that is the issue of the
UnAmerican Closed Shop with compulsory, deductions of Union
dues from the pay envelope.
On this there will be no com-
promise by Remington Rand.
"I shall be glad to talk over the situation with you and Gov-
ernor Lehman in New York on Monday and will place myself
at your disposal as to the time and place in New York City.
"JAMES H. RAND, Jr." (Bd., Ex. 235h.)
The very next day, July 24, the respondent gave to three news agen-
cies, the United Press, Associated Press, and International News
Service, the following telegram signed by Rand :
"THIS IS TO NOTIFY YOU THAT YOU MAY AT ALL TIMES INFORM
YOUR CORRESPONDENTS THAT ANY RUMOR TO THE EFFECT THAT
REMINGTON RAND IS NEGOTIATING DIRECTLY OR INDIRECTLY WITH
ANY UNION OFFICIAL EITHER LOCAL OR OTHERWISE TOWARD SETTLE-
MENT OF LABOR TROUBLES IS ABSOLUTELY FALSE NOT ONE CENT FOR
TRIBUTE"
(Bel. Ex. 235i.)
ment and wage increases" ( Resp . Ex 1), that is the only indication in the record that
the "closed shop " was involved and its presence in such it letter is understandable
The
Joint Board had never made such a demand of the respondent nor was it one of the issues
on which the strike ballot was based
The respondent ' s attacks on the closed shop produced
an interesting inconsistency
During the strike IIaiding stated in a radio talk:
"Mr. Rand has dealt with unions and has not discuminated against them
But he
does deny the right of unions to coerce and intimidate and compel employees to join
a union and pay tribute for the right to work.
That he will never do.
An open shop,
he believes, is the American way, and a closed shop is tyranny." (Bd Ex. 104.)
Yet the Polishers' Union had maintained a closed shop status at the Ilion plant for the
past 20 years, and at Middletown for the last 10 years
728
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Governor Cross, stating publicly that Rand was "a damned difficult
man to deal with", did not hold the conference he had contemplated.
The Mayor of Norwood was also attempting in July to achieve
a solution through negotiations.
To his attempt on July 12, the
respondent's attorney in Cincinnati replied, "There is nothing to
negotiate.
Employees have no complaints and the union will not be
recognized."
The` Connecticut Mediation Board then offered its services once
more, in a letter dated August 5, in which Rand was requested to
meet with it.
At first Rand's assistant replied, on August 10, re-
ferring the letter to Howland, "the executive of the company in
charge of our Middletown plant".
Previously, Howland had in-
formed a representative of the Mediation Board that "he could take
no action upon the strike without the direct sanction of Mr. Rand".
The reply continued :
"At this time, the latest report from Middletown would seem
to indicate the plant is now in full operation and there is now
no need for additional workers at that location. I would also
say it is certain that workers who have been working regularly
in the Middletown plant for the past six weeks will not be dis-
charged to make room for workers who deliberately walked out
on their jobs and left the employ of the company." (Bd. Ex.
251.)
On August 17, Rand himself replied to the Board's letter :
"Replying to your letter of August 6th, facts and circum-
stances, which Mr. Howland will give you in more detail, and
the interstate nature of the situation preclude the possibility of
your Board being able to accomplish anything in the matter.
For this reason I find it necessary to decline your invitation."
(Bd. Ex. 252.) 97
Howland also answered on the same day :
"If there were anything to mediate I would be most pleased
to accept your invitation.
However, I am exceptionally busy
here supervising production, and could ill afford any time from
the plant.
Under no circumstances will any of the present loyal
employees be laid off to make room for others.
Neither will
any agreement be made with the unions.
A vote of our em-
ployees in this plant taken prior to the walkout showed that
approximately 90% did not desire to leave their work." (Bd.
Ex. 253.)
m We may contrast with this statement the position taken by the respondent in its suit
to enjoin a hearing by - this Board on the ground , among others, that all matters involved
related to intrastate and not interstate commerce , so that this Board had no jurisdiction.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
729
After these replies, the Connecticut Board reported to the Governor
on August 20. Referring to the causes of the strike, as stated by the
unions, the Board reported :
"The strike occurred because of the failure of representatives
of the employees to obtain a conference with a representative of
the Company who could speak with authority, as had been
promised by the Company. The union desired this conference
for the purpose of obtaining assurance from the Company that
the Elmira plant, in which no union agreement existed, would
not be built up at the expense of the other plants where such
union agreements did exist.
The union feared, according to its
statement, that the business would gradually be shifted to the
Elmira plant, at which time the workers in other plants would
find themselves helpless.
It was solely to prevent such a situa-
tion that the strike was called.
The dismissal of the Syracuse
employees had nothing to do with the calling of the strike, and
in no sense was the strike a sympathetic one."
The Board then summarized its correspondence with the respondent
and stated :
"The Board wishes to bring to your attention the fact that the
failure of the company to reply to its letter of June 4th, and
the lapse of 12 days before replying to its letter of August 5th
is unprecedented in its experience of fifteen months.
During
that period a total of 32 cases have come to the attention of the
Board, and in each other case not only were replies received
promptly from those persons to whom the Board addressed its
communications but conferences between such individuals and
the Board ensued."
The Board then addressed itself to the final results of its efforts to
mediate the controversy:
"Although the law of its creation confers upon the Board the
right to subpoena witnesses and to compel testimony under oath,
the members of the Board have to date been of the opinion that
the exercise of this power would probably serve no useful pur-
pose in attempting a solution of this controversy.
This opinion
is based mainly upon the fact that the dispute is interstate in
nature.
The past experience of the Board has convinced it that
mediation will inevitably be unsuccessful unless both parties are
responsive to compromise. In the case under consideration each
party in its public statements has maintained a position irrecon-
cilable with that of the other.
The company in its public state-
ments has refused categorically to negotiate with the union; and
the strikers likewise have refused to negotiate excepting through
730
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
their own labor organization.
For this reason also, the Board
seriously doubts the advisability of using its power to subpoena.".
(Bd. Ex. 254.)
The Board's statement of the deadlock is unfortunate.a$
The view
that the union members had contributed to the deadlock because they
refused to negotiate except through their chosen representatives, and
were therefore partly at fault, presents an entirely false picture of
the situation.
Moreover, it is a denial of the fundamental right of
employees, given expression to in Section 7 of the Act, "to bargain
collectively through representatives of their own choosing."
The
deadlock existed because, and only because, the respondent refused
"categorically" to negotiate with the unions, and through them With
its employees 99
IV. CONCLUSION
From the thousands of pages of testimony in this proceeding there
may be distilled two very plain facts : the unwavering refusal of the
respondent to bargain collectively with its employees, and the cold,
deliberate ruthlessness with which it fought the strike which its
refusal to bargain had precipitated. If the provisions of the Act
ever required justification, one need go no further than the facts of
this case.
Over 6,000 employees, with their families and depend-
ents, are subjected to the miseries of a prolonged strike, the people
of six communities experience the economic hardships that in-
evitably result when an accustomed source of income is suddenly
withdrawn, these same communities are turned into warring camps
and unreasoning hatreds are created that lead to abuses alien to a
sane civilization-all because the respondent refused to recognize
the rights of six thousand employees.
A decent respect for the
rights of human beings demands that no employer be free to ignore
his employees in such fashion, but that, as provided by the Act, they
be entitled through the procedure of collective bargaining to have a
voice in shaping their destinies.
Human rights aside, even a cal-
08 The Middletown Citizens Committee had also made the same error.
00 On August 28, a few days after the Mediation Boaid's report, the respondent circu-
lated a statement in its Middletown plant , in which the following was contained :
"A number of rumors have been circulated recently by former union employees
In
order that there may be no misunderstanding we want to make it perfectly clear that
the company will make no agreement whatsoever with any outside union organization.
Wednesday , Mr Simson , Corporation Attorney , while representing the company in a
court action near Syracuse, listened patiently to a statement by an attorney for the
union
There was no discussion of a settlement and there will not be any discussion
with officers of the union...
"There will not be any more union shop committees in this plant ...
The unions
will never come back into control of affairs in the
(Middletown ) Noiseless Plant.
"J
H RAND, Pres
"G. K. HOWLAND,
General Superintendent"
(Bd
Ex 237 )
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
731
culating dollars and cents approach to the situation would require
that an employer confer with the representatives of his employees,
for here six manufacturing plants are rendered idle and the channels
of commerce dislocated, at a cost of millions of dollars, simply be-
cause the respondent could not bring itself to meet with its em-
ployees.100
In the legal phraseology of the Act, the respondent, from
April, 1936, to the strike on May 26, and again from the strike to
the time of the hearings in this case, has continuously refused to
bargain collectively with the representatives of its employees as
required by Section 8, subdivision (5). In the language of the
average person, the respondent, through Rand, its president, has
exhibited a callous, imperturbable disregard of the rights of its
employees that is mediaeval in its assumption of power over the
lives of men and shocking in its concept of the status of the modern
industrial worker.
To draw attention from its determined refusals to bargain col-
lectively with the representatives of its employees and as part of
its "back to work" movements, the respondent secretly formed em-
ployees' associations which it exhibited to the public as genuine
employee organizations dealing with the respondent at arm's length.
These associations-the Middletown Remrand Employees' Back-to-
Work Association, the Ilion Typewriter Employes Protective Asso-
ciation, and the Syracuse Employes' Independent Association-were
"labor organizations" within the technical definition given that
phrase in Section 2, subdivision (5) of the Act, for they were or-
ganizations in which employees participated, and which existed for
the purpose of dealing with employers concerning labor disputes
and conditions of work, here the reopening of the plant.101 In view
of that status, the respondent was forbidden by Section 8, sub-
100 Rand apparently recognizes the wisdom of the majority rule provision of the Act for
he stated in a release of August 28, 1936:
"Any reasonable-minded person will agree that a Democratic form of collective
bargaining necessarily means the rule of the majority of the workers in a plant"
(Bd. Ex. 234h )
But evidently his attorneys disagree with him, for in the complaint in the respondent's
suit to enjoin this Board from hearing the case it is
stated that:
"the said National Labor Relations Act, in thus providing for a majority repre-
sentation to the exclusion of minority employees, as aforesaid , deprives this com-
plainant of its rights to lawfully and freely contract with all of its employees for
work and labor,
.
. and . . is unconstitutional."
101 As we said In the Matter of International Hai vester Company and Local Union
No. 57,
International
Union, United Automobile Workers of America, Case No. C-41,
decided November 12, 1936
( supra, pp 310, 353) • "It is obvious that the term `labor
organization' is not used in its ordinary meaning but in a special and technical sense
solely for
the purpose
of statutory
draftsmanship and to make
the prohibition of
Section 8, subdivision
( 2) all inclusive .
That prohibition was intended to apply to any
device which would tend to displace,
or masquerade as, a genuine labor organization,
whether it was itself such a genuine organization or not."
732
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
division (2) to dominate or interfere with their formation or ad-
ministration or to contribute financial or other support to them.
From the facts found above, the conclusion is inescapable that the
respondent has deliberately flouted that provision of the Act.
All
-three associations were nothing more than dummy organizations
operated by the respondent to further the "back to work" 'movement
and break the strike.
All three associations operated in an iden-
tical manner-advertisements, offices, telephone numbers, requests to
the respondent to open the plant, mass meetings, and celebrations of
employees at such openings. In each city where the associations
operated the advertisements were in the same pattern-and more-
over, were skillfully written.
Moreover, in Norwood, where the
respondent did not choose to create such an association, but instead
conducted the "back to work" movement entirely in its own name,
the mechanics were nevertheless identical.
The appearance of each
association coincided with a drive on the respondent's part to create
a "back to work" breach in union ranks, and they were admirably
suited to that end.
The use of telephones, while permitting the
respondent to ascertain the number of employees ready to return to
work, as pointed out before, also enabled it to keep secret the num-
ber of such employees, and, through the fear occasioned by such
secrecy, prompt many more to telephone. In addition, the very
presence of these associations would induce the public to believe that
there was a large body of employees who did not belong to the
unions, and that the strike was supported by only a small minority
of employees.
The associations also offered a basis for requests for
heavy police protection and a medium for the dissemination of
propaganda, which, if handed out by the respondent in its own
name, might be held suspect by the public. It is apparent that, these
associations had many expenses-offices, telephones, advertisements,
printed literature, offers of trips to Ilion, etc.
Yet there is no in-
dication of any means whereby the associations themselves obtained
the large funds necessary to defray such expenses.
There were no
dues, no requests for contributions.
The money obviously came
from the respondent.
Bergoff's testimony in regard to the Ilion
association and Ellis' activities on behalf of the Middletown asso-
ciation, would in themselves indicate that these associations were
alter egos of the respondent. It should be noted that at the Board's
hearing in this case, Ellis was introduced by Simson as the "attor-
ney for the Remington Rand at Middletown".
Ellis had, as pointed
out above, represented both strikebreakers employed by the respond-
ent and the respondent itself in legal proceedings arising during the
strike, so that his intimate relationship to the respondent is beyond
question.
Yet we also find Ellis preparing application blanks for the
Middletown association and attempting to secure office space for it.
DECISIONS
AND ORDERS
733
We therefore find that the respondent organized and operated these
associations and defrayed their expenses in violation of Section 8,
subdivision (2).
At Ilion, and later at Middletown, there was an
attempt to capitalize on the results of these "back to work" associations
by using them as a basis in the formation of company-controlled
organizations -among the employees that had'returned to work.
These
successor organizations are tainted with the illegality of their prede-
cessors and are likewise in violation of the Act.102
We turn to a consideration of the other unfair labor practices.
The strike was caused by the respondent's unqualified and deter-
mined refusal to meet with the representatives of its employees.
Thus, when the strike came the respondent knew it was not to be
settled by collective bargaining or mediation.
Outside agencies, un-
aware of the quality of the respondent's determination, and seeing
only a costly and bitter strike, would make efforts to mediate the
dispute.
Governors, Industrial Commissioners, Mayors, State Media-
tion Boards, Federal Conciliators would attempt in turn to end the
strike by the peaceful method of conference. But all were predestined
to failure in the face of that unyielding resolve to fight the strike
rather than to compromise ever so little through the concession of a
conference.
And in the execution of that resolve the respondent
exhibited even a greater disregard for human rights and values than
that which characterized its earlier refusals to bargain. It immedi-
ately engaged not one, but four strikebreaking agencies, and with
their aid charted its campaign.
That campaign, as we have shown,
was built- around "back to work" movements, created systematically
by the respondent and operated for the most part through associations
formed by it, which culminated in some cases in reopenings of the
plants attended by celebrations and the return of massed groups of
employees or'thugs masquerading as such.
These movements were
built up through an intensive propaganda drive, openly in adver-
tisements and, news articles, covertly through the work of "mis-
sionaries".
They were buttressed by threats to move the plants, and
in some cases by actual movements of machinery, designed to create
fear of loss of employment on the part of employees and fear of
economic starvation on the part of whole communities. These threats
presented a bewildering maze to both the employee and the man
in the street-the Norwood, and Syracuse plants were moving to
Ilion, yet the Ilion plant was for sale.
The Tonawanda and Middle-
town plants were also to be -moved, and yet -where could they be
307 At Ilion, the organization was known as the Remington -Rand Employes' Association ;
at Middletown it was the Middletown Remington Rand Employees Association .
It should
be noted that in 1933 and 1934 at both Ilion and Tonawanda the respondent had intro-
duced identical company-controlled employee representation plans to counteract the organi-
zation by its employees - of a genuine labor organization , but the attempt failed- of its
purpose.
Apparently the same thing was attempted at Elmira in 1936.
734
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
moved 'to if the other plants were also in the process of being trans-
ferred?
The answer of course is that such confusion best served the
respondent's interests, for no one community could feel sure of not
being the victim.
Keeping pace with these "back to work" move-
ments was the respondent's constant drive to obtain the presence of
large forces of police and guards, not only for the intimidation that
their presence would work upon the average employee, but also be-
cause of the psychological effect such forces possess to turn the aver-
age citizen against a strike and the tendency of police and guards
to indulge in excesses of force and arrest against employees on strike:
Where the "back to work" movements did not result in inducing a
sufficient number of employees to return, the respondent hired thou-
sands of strikebreakers to operate its plants, describing them to the
public as "loyal employees".
Such was the main attack. It was supported by a variety of ma-
noeuvres and devices.
Spies were planted in the various towns.
The company attempted to bribe union leaders and to influence pub-
lic officials.
Individual bargaining was resorted to through bonuses,
personal telegrams, and visits of foreman and "missionaries" in order
to undermine the solidarity of the union members.
Union leaders
were discharged and others arrested for the purpose of demoralizing
the union.
We- have previously discussed in detail these discharges
of union leaders at Ilion, Syracuse, and Tonawanda.
All of the indi-
viduals discharged, whose names appear in the Conclusions of Law,
were discharged because of their union membership and activity, and
their discharges, and each of them, thus constitute discrimination in
regard to hire and tenure of employment to discourage membership
in a labor organization contrary to Section 8, subdivision (3) of the
Act.
These individuals, who were employees at the time of their
discharges, thus ceased work as a consequence of unfair labor prac-
tices on the part of the respondent and therefore continued to be em-
ployees of the respondent within the meaning of the Act.103 Scenes
ioa The duties and weekly pay at the time of the discharges of these employees were :
Crofoot: toolmaker ___________________________________________
$34.80
LaBranche :
inspector_________________________________________
24 00
Dunn :
toolmaker_____________________________________________
34.80
Bunnell: stock chaser_________________________________________
23.00
Linnyak: metal polisher_______________________________________
30.00
Slade: set-up man____________________________________________
25.20
Bowen: set-up man-------------------------------------------
25 20
Reyene: group leader ------ ----
-----------------------------
28.00
Palmenter . aligner____________________________________________
33.00
Boyle:inspector----------------------------------------------
24.40
Galipeau : inspector___________________________________________
25.50
Smith : toolmaker____________________________________________
34. 80
Estey: aligner------------------------------------------------
30.00
Witcher: group leader________________________________________
Sickler: chief tool inspector ____________________________________
39.00-
Bellows: repairman-------------------------------------------
-
-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
735
of disorder and violence, to be described to the public as riots, were
staged so that they could serve as the basis for injunctions, requests
for police protection, and "law and order" tirades in the press. In
the planning of these disorders, the respondent exhibited the small
value it placed on human life, for with even-handedness it stood will-
ing to sacrifice the lives of the men whom it hired to break the strike
as well as those of the strikers.
Likewise, in having its agents com-
mit acts of violence in such a fashion as to ascribe the guilt to the
strikers and in its deliberate provocation of disorders by the strikers,
it was not deterred by the knowledge that innocent men would be ar-
rested and fined, that a citizenry, made almost hysterical through the
respondent's subtle playing on its emotions and thoughts, would in-
flict excessive punishment upon men acting under infuriating provo-
cation.
Nor did the, respondent stop at making dupes of the civil au-
thorities or the leading citizens, as at Ilion, so that they would do the
job for the respondent.
- But all of these stratagems demanded for their success a public
opinion favorable to the respondent and opposed to the strikers.
The respondent appreciated that today the success or failure of a
strike of such magnitude may ultimately depend upon the reaction of
the public.
It also recognized that a public fully informed of the
tactics the respondent was employing and of its firm refusal to meet
with its employees would in all probability condemn their use.
Finally, it realized that the public is nearly entirely dependent upon
the press and the radio for its information.
Consequently, the
respondent proceeded to wage a publicity campaign designed both
to cloak its ruthlessness toward its employees and the public and to
swing opinion against the unions.
To this end numerous advertise-
ments in the names of the respondent and its "back to work" associa-
tions were inserted in which the facts were distorted or completely
falsified, the unions and their leaders maligned, and the communities.'
dependence upon the respondent's payrolls stressed.
Radio speeches.
of the same nature were made at frequent intervals.
Release after
release was handed out by the respondent from its executive offices
and from its various plants, such practice to be varied at times by
Footnote
103--Continued
McCoy: toolmaker---------------------------------------------
$34.80
Lozo: acetylene welder________________________________________
35 00
Gaul: shipping department____________________________________
26 00
Todd : electilcian---------------------------------------------
33. 00
Young: brake press operator__________________________________
35-40
Monmer: stock room clerk ___________________________________
Townsend: punch press operator_______________________________
31-32
Cooper: spot welder------------------------------------------
34-35
Kloss
• shipping department _____________________________________
25-27
Quenneville
: shipping department _______________________________
25-28
Demmin: punch press operator and inspector ____________________
17.00
Smith- punch press operator and inspector______________________
17. 50
736
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
suddenly shutting off that source of news and forcing the papers to
turn to the advertisements or to the associations when such sources
better served the respondent's immediate needs.
Harding kept con-
stant watch over the various press association reports so that the
respondent could remedy impressions in the reports contrary to its
ends, or supply through' releases and advertisements information
which it thought the public ' should be handed and which those re-
ports did not carry.
Replies to offers of mediation were so framed
as to be no more than a means of conveying to the public some
particular item of propaganda that the respondent was desirous of
spreading.
Aspects that were sure to evoke a desired response were
continually stressed, such' as violence and threats of the likelihood of
loss of a particular plant through closing and moving elsewhere.
It must be remembered that by striking the, employees did not
sever' their status as such with the respondent.
Section 2, subdi-
vision (3) of the Act defines the term "employee" to include "any
individual whose work has ceased as a consequence of, or in con-
nection with, any current labor dispute or because of any unfair
labor practice".
Here the strike was caused by the respondent's
refusal to bargain collectively, and hence the employees ceased work
as a consequence of an unfair labor practice.
Moreover, the strike
was obviously a "labor dispute" within the meaning of Section 2,
subdivision (9) of the Act, since it was a controversy concerning
conditions of employment and the association and representation of
persons seeking to arrange terms and conditions of employment, and
hence the employees also ceased work in connection with a current
labor dispute.
Thus, those employees who have not returned to
work, but who have remained on strike and who have not obtained
employment elsewhere (between three and four thousand at the time
of the hearing) '104 have been, since May 26, and still are, the em-
ployees of the respondent in view of the unfair labor practice that
caused the strike and the currency of the labor dispute.
These em-
ployees were, of course, within their rights in striking, for Section
13 of the Act declares that "Nothing in this Act shall be construed
so as to interfere with or impede or diminish in any way the right
to strike".
Under Section 8, subdivision (1) of the Act, the respond-
ent was forbidden to interfere, restrain or coerce these employees in
the exercise of their rights guaranteed in Section 7-among others, to
bargain collectively and to engage in concerted activities for that
purpose and for mutual aid and protection.
The activities of the
respondent which we have described in detail were all designed to
and did in fact interfere with, coerce and restrain its employees in
101 These are divided approximately as follows : Syracuse-1200 ;
Middletown-1000;
Norwood-800; Ilion-500 ; Tonawanda-180.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
737
the exercise of their rights.
To put it concisely, those activities were
employed to defeat the strike, to end the strike by breaking it, rather
than by settling it through collective bargaining.
As the strike was
in the first instance directly caused by the respondent's refusal to
bargain collectively in violation of Section 8, subdivision (5), and
was thereafter perpetuated through further refusals, also in viola-
tion of that Section, all of those activities must be regarded as con-
trary to Section 8, subdivision (1).
While many, if not all, of those
activities would likewise constitute unfair labor practices even
though the strike and its continuation were not themselves the re-
sults of unfair labor practices, such a determination need not be made
in this proceeding.
Here, by its illegal refusal to bargain collec-
tively, the respondent caused and perpetuated a strike, and conse-
quently any activities on its part designed to end that strike by,
defeating it, in contrast to settling it by the method of collective
bargaining, are in violation of Section 8, subdivision (1).
Each step
taken so to defeat the strike constituted an assertion that the respond-
ent would illegally continue to refuse to settle the strike through
collective bargaining as provided by the Act-they were but the
opposite faces of the same coin.
We find that by its refusal to bar-
gain collectively, and by its other acts, the respondent interfered
with, coerced and restrained its employees in the exercise of the
rights guaranteed in Section 7 of the Act.
V. THE REMEDY
Our previous decisions point the general remedy for these illegal
acts.
We have required in cases of strikes caused by a refusal to
bargain collectively that the employer both bargain collectively with
the representatives of his employees, and restore as far as possible the
statics quo that existed at the time of the strike.
Normally, such
restoration of the status quo is accomplished by the reinstatement of
all employees on the payroll at the time of the strike, any new em-
ployees hired since that date to be dismissed if such action is neces-
sary.
If, because of curtailed production or other reasons, there are
not a sufficient number of positions available to take care of all of the
employees on the payroll at the time of the strike, the initial reinstate-
ment is to be made on the basis of seniority by classifications, and
those not reinstated are to be placed, on a similar basis, on a prefer-
ential list.105
However, the respondent's acts of closing one of its
plants, the Norwood plant, opening another, the Elmira plant, and
shifting the equipment of still other plants, have introduced factors
105 Matter of Columbian Enameling 4 Stamping Co. and Enameling ci Stamping Mill
Employees Union, No. 196911, 1 N. L. R . B 181 ; Matter of Rabhor Company, Inc. and Inte,-
national Ladies Garment Workers Union, 1 N. L. R. B. 470; Matter of S. L. Allen c Com-
pany, Inc. and Federal Labor Union, Local No. 18526, 1 N. L. R. B. 714.
738
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
which make solution of the problem more difficult.
While the total
number of individuals now employed is approximately equal to the
number employed at the date the strike was called,'06 there has been a
radical alteration in the location of the jobs for these employees.
Thus, the Norwood plant has been closed and its equipment moved to
the Ilion and Elmira plants, so that while no jobs are available at
Norwood, additional jobs are available at Ilion and Elmira. Simi-
larly, 45 per cent of the Syracuse operations, and a substantial per-
centage of the Middletown operations have been transferred to El-
mira, so that although the number of available positions in Syracuse
and Middletown has been greatly reduced, a corresponding number
of positions is now available at Elmira.
Consequently, if all of the
employees on the payroll of May 26, 1936, are to be reinstated, many
will find it necessary to move from their present homes to other
towns where positions are available.
With nearly 4,000 employees to
be reinstated under such conditions, the complexity of the problem
created by the respondent's acts is readily realized. ,
The respondent will be ordered to reinstate all those production
and maintenance employees involved who were employed on May 26,
1936, and who have not since received regular and substantially
equivalent employment elsewhere.
As the first step in carrying out
this general order, such production and maintenance employees shall
be reinstated to their former classifications, on the basis of seniority
by classifications, where positions in such classifications are now open
or have been filled by individuals employed since May 26, 1936, who
were not employed on that date, the respondent dismissing such indi-
viduals if that is necessary to accomplish the reinstatement so or-
dered.
In this fashion as far as possible employees will be reinstated
in the plants in their own towns and will not be required to move
elsewhere.
But after such reinstatement there will still be a large
group of employees, composed almost exclusively of Norwood, Syra-
cuse, and Middletown employees, who will have to ,move to other
cities in order to obtain reinstatement.
Consequently, all such pro-
duction and maintenance employees not reinstated in the plant in
their own towns shall be grouped together, regardless of the plant
in which they were previously employed, on a single preferential list
on the basis of seniority by classifications, to be offered the positions
at the Elmira plant, and any positions still available at any of the
other plants after those who struck at such plants have been rein-
stated.
At Elmira, as well as elsewhere, individuals employed since
May 26, 1936, who were not employed on that date must be dismissed
100 A report of the respondent to the Securities and Exchange Commission , made Septem-
ber 22, 1936 , states : "All of the Company's plants are now in operation and the total
number of employees now employed approximately equals the number employed before the
strike was called."
(Bd. Ex. 50.)
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
739i
if such action is necessary to effectuate such reinstatement.
There-
after, this list shall be drawn upon whenever further employees are,
needed at any of the plants involved, including the Elmira plant,,
preference being given to employees on the list then residing in the
locality in which employment is available.
The respondent will be
ordered to pay the transportation expenses of any employee and his
family who is forced to move in order to obtain reinstatement under
these conditions. 117
As can be gathered, the Board has attempted to
keep such moving to a minimum by ordering that available positions
at each plant be filled by employees residing in the locality.
Finally,
as many of the employees who had, prior to the strike, designated
the Joint Board as their representative for collective bargaining will.
thus be reinstated to the Elmira plant instead of to the plants where
they had worked on May 26, 1936, we will include the Elmira plant
together with the other plants in the unit which we have found to be,
appropriate for collective bargaining.
The employees who were individually discharged will be rein-
stated to their former positions, and in addition be awarded back
pay on the following basis : (1) those who were discharged when
they sought reinstatement during the continance of the strike, desig-
nated as Group A in the Conclusions of Law, will receive back pay
from the date of such discharge; (2) those who were discharged
before the strike commenced or during the continuance of the strike,
but not as a consequence of applications for reinstatement, designated,
as Group B in the Conclusions of Law, will receive back pay from
the date of discharge to the date of the strike if the plant was oper-
ating in that period, and again from the date on which operations,
in their departments began after the reopening of the plants involved
to the date of offer of reinstatement-108
VI. EFFECT OF THE UNFAIR LABOR PRACTICES UPON COMMERCE
That, in the words of the Act, "the denial by employers of the right
of employees to organize and the refusal by employers to accept the
procedure of collective bargaining leads to strikes ... which have
the intent or the necessary effect of burdening or obstructing com-
merce", is abundantly clear from the respondent's own statements.
At the very beginning, in a full-page advertisement in The Post
107 The respondent , in a statement to the Securities and Exchange Commission , stated
that among the expenses it suffered because of the strike were those
"incident to the
moving of machinery, materials and the families of employees , and the re-establishment of
operations in the new locations", indicating that it recognized an obligation to employees
thus forced to move their homes
108 Cf Matter of Alaska Juneau Gold Mining Company and International Union of Mine,
Mill and Smelter Workers, Local No. 203, Case No. C-91, decided July 21, 1936
(supra,
p
125).
5727-37-vol 11-48
740
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
Standard of Syracuse on May 30, 1936, the respondent asserted that
the strike of its employees :
"diverts manufacture for the export trade, which is 25 per cent
of the company's total business, to branch plants in London,
England, and Hamilton, Ontario, that will be doubled in pro-
ductive capacity ... work that thousands of Americans have been
doing will be given to Britains and Canadians . . .
The decision
of the company to enlarge their branch factories in England and
Canada is an even harder blow to the workers, it will mean that
many of their members will lose their jobs permanently. There
will be less to do for the domestic plants and half our men needed.
It will mean that their work will be done by workers of other
lands." (Bd. Ex. 98; emphasis as in original.)
On June 1, 1936, one day later, the United Press reported,
"Operations of the huge office equipment supply company have
been virtually paralyzed by a six day strike of employees in six
company plants in three states." (Bd. Ex. 236g.)
The testimony of Straub, factory manager at Syracuse, called as a
witness ,in an injunction suit about July 13, 1936, tersely indicates
the extent of that paralysis at Syracuse :
"Q. Now Mr. Straub, prior to the strike, how many typewriters
were you turning out?
"A. 3230 per week; that is finished typewriters, and 750 parts
for our assembly plants.
"Q. Since the strike started, how many have been turned out?
"A. None." 109
Several months later the extent of the dislocation of the normal
channels of commerce was vividly indicated by the respondent, re-
porting to the Securities and Exchange Commission on September
2111936:
"The labor difficulties have accelerated a plan to abandon some
of the plants in part or whole and move the equipment to and
concentrate manufacturing in other plants.
The plant at Nor-
109 Railway statistics for the strike period present the effect of such cessation of produc-
tion on the normal flow of commerce.
In June, 1936, at Tonawanda and North Tona-
wanda, demurrage and storage on inbound rail freight mounted in sharp contrast to the
same months in the year 1935.
( Bd. Exs. 115, 117, 119, 146, 147; see also Bd. Exs. 148-
149.)
There was no demurrage , however, on outbound shipments.
(Bd. Exs. 114, 118;
Resp. Exs . 9, 10.)
At Ilion demurrage debits marked against the respondent by the rail-
road for the months of May, June, and July, 1936, were twice the amount for the same
months of 1935. ( Bd. Exs 199 , 200-204.
(Bd Ex. No. 199 was erroneuosly recorded as
number 191 in the original of the Board's Decision.
This error was corrected by an
Amendment of Decision issued March 16, 1937.))
The local freight agent of the railroad
at Ilion, New, York, could recall only one occasion prior to .1936 that respondent had
demurrage charges either on inbound or outbound rail freight.
•,
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
741
wood, Ohio, has recently been closed, the equipment moved to,
and the manufacturing concentrated in the plants at Ilion and
Elmira, New York. In addition approximately 45 per cent of the
operations formerly carried on at the Syracuse, New York, plant,
together with the required equipment, have been transferred to
the plant at Elmira, New York." (Bd. Ex. 51.)
The respondent also recognized that the integrated character of its
business,lio the diversified location of its plants, and the organization
of the unions," made this paralyzing strike a national and not a
local problem.
Exercising the ghost of mediation, Rand, on August
17, 1936, wrote to the Connecticut Board of Mediation and Arbitra-
tion as follows :
"Replying to your letter of August 6th, facts and circum-
stances . . . and the interstate nature of the situation preclude
the possibility of your Board being able to accomplish anything
in the matter.
For this reason I find it necessary to decline your
invitation."
(Bd. Ex. 252.)
The respondent's advertisements spoke of "this national strike".
Governor Cross of Connecticut, attempting to arrange a conference of
the Governors of three'States, declared to the press that "Everyone
concerned seems to feel that it is an interstate matter."
The report
of the Connecticut Mediation Board expressed the same view of the
strike, characterizing the dispute as "interstate in character".
The cost of this strike to the employees and the public is perhaps
incapable of reasonable estimates.
As for the respondent-it stated
110 Integration of manufacturing activities among the respondent 's various plants in
different states cuts into bold relief the interstate character of its enterprise and the dis-
tortion of the normal channels of commerce consequent upon an industrial controversy.
The Middletown , Conn., plant, for example , supplies type to Syracuse , N. Y., without which
type the products at Syracuse could not be'finished ; the Ilion, N. Y., plant manufactures
screws and castings for other plants, including the plant at Norwood, Ohio ; the Norwood,
Ohio, plant manufactures , packing- washers for the Ilion , N. Y., plant; and so on.
A state-
ment of the respondent printed in the public press on or about October 10, 1936, reads in
part as follows :
"The production of finished machines is now at the pre-strike level of May and in
addition the plant (Middletown) is now supplying large quantities of complete sets of
parts to the new assembly plants in London , Calcutta and Sidney , Australia.
The
Ilion plant is also producing some parts for Noiseless
(Middletown ) typewriters ..."
The respondent sought, and obtained , an injunction in Middletown on the ground that
its business was endangered by a nation -wide combination , its pleadings stating:
"On or about the 26th day of May, 1936, the Defendants entered into a combination
with other local unions located at various points throughout the United States . . . and
conspired to injure and destroy the good will , trade and business of the Plaintiff in
order to prevent it from conducting its business
.
.
.
On account of the aforesaid
combination and conspiracy and the aforesaid acts tend to interference thereof, which
combination, conspiracy and acts are still continuing , and for which there is no
adequate remedy at law, and Plaintiff has suffered and is still suffering , irremediable
loss and damage to its good will, trade and business ."
(Bd. Ex. 53.)
742
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
to the Securities and Exchange Commission on October 30, 1936, as
follows :
"The management of registrant estimates that the earnings
of registrant during the four months ended September 30, 1936,
have absorbed non-recurring items of approximately $982,000 of
which $325,259.77 was direct-expense of the labor difficulties and
the balance was unabsorbed burden due to interruption of pro-
duction caused partly by the labor difficulties and partly by the
moving and the abnormal expenses incident to the moving of
machinery, materials and the families of employees, and the re-
establishment of operations in the new locations." 112
We find that the aforesaid acts of the respondent lead and tend
to lead to labor disputes burdening and obstructing commerce and
the free flow of commerce.
CONCLTISIONS OF LAW
Upon the basis of the foregoing findings of fact the Board makes
the following conclusions of law :
1. The District Council Office Equipment Workers, Federal Labor
Unions No'
No. 18344, 18486, and 19401, Machinists Local Unions Nos.
849, 381, 635, 706, 616, 782, 851, 162, 729, and 789, Polishers Local
Unions No. 46, 60, and 68, Molders' Local UnionNo. 57, Draftsmen's
Local Union No. 50, and Sheet Metal Workers' Local Union No. 75,
are each labor organizations, within the meaning of Section 2, sub-
division (5) of the Act.
2. The production and maintenance employees employed by the
respondent in its Ilion, N. Y., Tonawanda, N. Y., North Tonawanda,
N. Y., Syracuse, N. Y., Elmira, N. Y., Middletown, Conn., and
Marietta, Ohio, plants and those employed in its former Norwood,
Ohio, plant constitute a unit appropriate for the purpose of col-
lective bargaining, within the meaning of Section 9 (b) of the Act.
3. By virtue of Section 9 (a) of the Act, the Remington Rand
Joint Protective Board of the District Council Office Equipment
Workers, having been designated on or before April 1, 1936, by a
majority of the employees in an appropriate unit as their representa-
tive for the purposes of collective bargaining, has been at all times
since said date the exclusive representative of all said employees for
the purposes of collective bargaining.
4. By refusing and continuing to refuse to bargain collectively
with the Joint Board as the exclusive representative of the employees
in an appropriate unit, the respondent has engaged in and is en-
'- It will be noted that this statement is so phrased as to be inconclusive
Thus,
$982,000 has been "absoi bed"-whether there were items in addition , not yet absorbed,
does not appear.
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
743
gaging in unfair labor practices, within the meaning of Section 8,
subdivision (5) of the Act.
.
5. The Associations-the Middletown Remrand Employees' Back-
to-Work Association, and its successor, the Middletown Remington
Rand Employes Association, the Ilion Typewriter Employes Protec-
tive Association and its successor, the Ilion Remington-Rand Em-
ployes' Association, and the Syracuse Employes' Independent Asso-
ciation-are labor organizations, within the meaning of Section 2,
subdivision (5) of the Act.
6. By its domination and interference with the formation and ad-
ministration of the Associations, and by its contribution of financial
and other support thereto, the respondent has engaged in and is
engaging in unfair labor practices, within the meaning of Section 8,
subdivision (2) of the Act.
7. By discriminating in regard to the hire and tenure of employ-
ment of Alfred L. Kloss, Ernest Quenneville, Joseph Dreyer, Viola
Rose Demmin and Blanche Smith (referred to later as Group A),
Harold Beer, Clair Bellows, Vernon Crofoot, Earl LaBranche, Ken-
neth C. Bunnell, William Dunn, August Lingyak, George Slade, Bur-
ton Reyone, George Bowen, Eugene Palmenter, Walter J. Boyle, Al-
bert Galipeau, Alexander Smith, Stephen Estey, Peter Witcher, John
Sickler, Edward J. McCoy, David Lozo, Walter G. Gaul, Walter J.
Todd, Floyd J. Young, Felix Monnier, William Townsend and
Charles Cooper (referred to later as Group B), and each of them,
the respondent has engaged in and is engaging in unfair labor prac-
tices, within the meaning of Section 8, subdivision (3) of the Act.
8. By its activities to defeat the strike, as described in the Find-
ings of Fact, including its employment of strikebreaking agencies,
its use of spies, "missionaries", and armed guards, its threats to move
its various plants, its attempts to turn civil, authorities and business
and'other interests in the various cities involved in the strike against
the unions, its "back to work" movements, its attempts at individual
bargaining, its intensive publicity and propaganda campaign based
upon deliberate falsehoods and exaggerations, its use of' agents to
commit acts of disorder and to provoke others to commit such acts,
and the other acts described' in the Findings of Fact, by its persistent
and continuing refusals to bargain collectively, by its discharges as
stated above, and by its activities in connection with. the Associa-
tions as stated above, and' by each of such acts, the respondent has
'interfered with, restrained and coerced its, employees in the exercise
of the rights guaranteed in Section 7-of the Act, and has engaged
in and is engaging in unfair labor practices, within the meaning of
Section 8, subdivision (1) of the At.
9. The strike was a labor dispute, within the meaning of Section
-2, subdivision (9) of the Act.
744
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
10. The persons employed by the respondent in the unit described
above, including the persons named in Paragraph 7 above, were, on
May 26, 1936, and continued thereafter to be employees of the re-
spondent, except in so far as they obtained regular and substantially
equivalent employment elsewhere, within the meaning of Section 2,
subdivision (3) of the Act.
11. The aforesaid unfair labor practices are unfair labor prac-
tices affecting commerce, within the meaning of Section 2, subdivi-
sions (6) and (7) of the Act.
ORDER
On the basis of the findings of fact and conclusions of law, and
pursuant to Section 10, subdivision (c) of the National Labor Rela-
tions Act, the National Labor Relations Board hereby orders that
the respondent, Remington Rand, Inc., and its officers and agents,
shall :
1. Cease and desist :
(a) From in any manner interfering with, restraining or coerc-
ing its employees in the exercise of their rights to self-organization,.
to form, join or assist labor orginizations, to bargain collectively
through representatives of their own choosing, and to engage in
concerted activities for the purposes of collective bargaining and
other mutual aid or protection;
(b) From dominating or interfering with the formation or ad-
ministration of any labor organization of its employees or contribut-
ing financial or other support thereto;
(c) From discouraging membership in any of the labor organiza-
tions affiliated with the Remington Rand Joint Protective Board of
the District Council Office Equipment Workers, or, any other labor
organization of its employees, by discharging and refusing to rein-
state employees, or otherwise discriminating in regard to hire or
tenure of employment or any form or condition of employment, or
by threats of such discrimination;
(d) From refusing to bargain collectively with the Remington
Rand Joint Protective Board of the District Council Office Equipment
Workers as the exclusive representative of the production and main-
tenance employees of the respondent employed at its Ilion, N. Y.,
Tonawanda, N. Y., and North Tonawanda, N. Y., Syracuse, N. Y.,
Elmira, N. Y., Middletown, Conn., Marietta, Ohio, plants and at its
former Norwood, Ohio, plant.
2. Take the following affirmative action which the Board finds will
effectuate the policies of the Act:
(a) Withdraw all recognition from the Ilion Remington-Rand
Employes' Association and the Middletown Remington-Rand- Em-
DECISIONS AND ORDERS
745
ployes' Association as representatives of its employees at its Ilion and
Middletown plants, respectively, for the purpose of dealing with re-
spondent concerning grievances, labor disputes, wages, rates of pay,
hours of employment, or conditions of work; and completely disestab-
lish those Associations as such representatives;
(b) Offer to Alfred L. Kloss, Ernest Quenneville, Joseph Dreyer,
Viola Rose Demmin, and Blanche Smith (referred to later as Group
A), Harold Beer, Clair Bellows, Vernon Crofoot, Earl LaBranche,
Kenneth C. Bunnell, William Dunn, August Lingyak, George Slade,
Burton Reyone, George Bowen, Eugene Palmenter, Walter J. Boyle,
Albert Galipeau, Alexander Smith, Stephen Estey, Peter Witcher,
John Sickler, Edward J. McCoy, David Lozo, Walter G. Gaul, Walter
J. Todd, Floyd J. Young, Felix Monnier, William Townsend, and
Charles Cooper (referred to later as Group B), and each of them,
immediate and full reinstatement, respectively, to their former posi-
tions, without prejudice to their seniority or other rights and privi-
leges previously enjoyed;
(c) Make, whole the, persons named in Paragraph 2 (b) above, and
each of them, for any losses of pay they have suffered by reason of
their discharge, by payment to them, respectively, of a sum of money
equal to that which each of them would normally have earned as
wages during the period, in the case of Group A from the date of dis-
charge to the date of such offer of reinstatement, and in the case of
Group B from the date operations in their departments began after
the plants had reopened to the date of such offer of reinstatement,
and in addition in the case of Cooper from May 21 to May 26, 1936,
computed at the weekly wage earned by each on May 26, 1936, less the
amounts, if any, which each earned during such period ;
(d) Offer reinstatement to all persons-who were production and
maintenance employees in its Ilion, N. Y., Tonawanda, N. Y., North
Tonawanda, N. Y., Syracuse, N. Y., Middletown, Conn., and Marietta,
Ohio, plants and in its former Norwood, Ohio, plant on May 26,
1936, who have not since received regular and substantially equivalent
employment elsewhere.
The detailed execution of this Paragraph of
the Order shall be in accordance with the conditions prescribed in the
section of the Decision entitled "The Remedy";
(e) Upon request, bargain collectively with the Remington Rand
Joint Protective Board of the District Council Office Equipment
Workers as the exclusive representative of the production and main-
tenance employees in its Ilion, N. Y., Tonawanda, N. Y., North Tona-
wanda, N. Y., Syracuse, N. Y., Elmira, N. Y., Middletown, Conn.,
and Marietta, Ohio, plants and in its former Norwood, Ohio, plant,
with respect to rates of pay, wages, hours of employment, and other
conditions of employment;
746
NATIONAL LABOR RELATIONS BOARD
(f) Post notices in conspicious places throughout its Ilion, N. Y.,
Tonawanda, N. Y., North Tonawanda, N. Y., Syracuse, N. Y., El-
mira, N. Y., Middletown,. Conn., and Marietta, Ohio, plants stating
(1). that the respondent will cease and desist as provided above,
(2) that such notices will remain posted for a period of at least
thirty (30) consecutive clays from the date of posting, and (3) in
the case of the Ilion, N. Y., and Middletown, Conn., plants that the
'Ilion Remington-Rand Employes Association and the Middletown
Remington
Rand Employes Association are so disestablished,
respectively, and that respondent will refrain from any recognition
thereof.
3. The allegations in the complaint relating to the discharges of
Daisy Johnson, Dolores Greene, Freda Ferris, and Susan Ferris
and of the Norwood, Ohio, employees are hereby dismissed.